Allegations linking actor Nayanthara to the DMK government have surfaced following claims regarding a land purchase along Chennai’s East Coast Road (ECR), even as political tensions escalate over remarks made by opposition leaders.

The controversy began after CV Shanmugam of the All India Anna Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam made remarks referencing Nayanthara in a political context. While criticism of the language used has been raised, sections of political commentary have argued that linking the actor to governance decisions is a matter of political scrutiny rather than personal attack.

At the centre of the allegations is a real estate transaction along the ECR stretch between Neelankarai and Akkarai, near Injambakkam. According to claims being circulated, Nayanthara and filmmaker Vignesh Shivan (identified in records as Vigneshwar Siva Kolundhu) purchased approximately 50-60 cents of prime beachside land in the area. The purchase is alleged to have taken place about a week before the government finalised and later announced a ₹200-crore cycling track project along the same coastal stretch.

The timing of the purchase raises questions about prior knowledge of the project. It is further claimed that the market value of the land was in the range of ₹30-40 crore, but the transaction was registered at approximately ₹2 crore. Allegations have also been made that the property was acquired without the buyer physically appearing at the Sub-Registrar’s office.

Such transactions seem to resemble patterns seen in real estate speculation, where advance knowledge of government policy decisions such as infrastructure projects can lead to significant financial gains, including value appreciation of up to eight or nine times the original cost. One wonders how information regarding a proposed public project could have reached private individuals prior to official announcement.

The allegations are part of a broader political narrative suggesting proximity between certain public figures and the ruling establishment. It is noteworthy how the DMK swiftly issues responses in defence of Nayanthara in recent controversies, contrast to what can be described as silence on other social issues such as the innumerable cases of sexual violence reported in the state.

It is alleged that the current administration disproportionately benefits individuals from the film industry, though no official evidence has been presented to substantiate these assertions.

Subscribe to our channels on WhatsApp, Telegram, Instagram and YouTube to get the best stories of the day delivered to you personally.

The post ₹2 Crore For ₹40 Crore Land? Did Nayanthara-Vignesh Shivan Get Advance Tip-Off On DMK’s Cycling Track Project? appeared first on The Commune.

Fresh signs of internal dissent have reportedly emerged within the Tamil Nadu unit of the Congress following the confirmation of the party’s alliance with the DMK ahead of the 2026 Assembly elections. According to discussions within party circles, the decision has triggered dissatisfaction among a section of Congress functionaries who had favoured an electoral understanding with actor Vijay’s Tamilaga Vettri Kazhagam (TVK).

Sources within the party indicated that several Congress leaders aligned with the pro-TVK camp had conveyed their concerns to AICC in-charge for Tamil Nadu Girish Chodankar, stating that the development had negatively impacted the political image of Lok Sabha Leader of Opposition Rahul Gandhi.

Senior Congress leaders were reported as saying that a section of the Tamil Nadu Congress leadership had preferred an alliance with TVK, which had indicated that it would offer Congress a share in governance if the parties contested together.

According to the accounts shared within party circles, Rahul Gandhi, Congress General Secretary K.C. Venugopal, and Tamil Nadu in-charge Girish Chodankar were initially open to the idea of an alliance with Vijay’s party.

However, the proposal reportedly faced resistance from another section of the Congress leadership. Congress president Mallikarjun Kharge, Tamil Nadu Congress Committee president K. Selvaperunthagai, and former Union minister P. Chidambaram were said to have favoured continuing the alliance with the DMK.

Party insiders indicated that this group actively worked to prevent a tie-up between the Congress and TVK and ultimately succeeded in ensuring that the Congress remained in the DMK-led alliance.

Following the development, Congress functionary Mylai Ashok reportedly organised the distribution of sweets at the party’s state headquarters, Sathyamurthy Bhavan in Chennai, to mark the continuation of the DMK–Congress alliance.

At the same time, another faction within the party expressed dissatisfaction with the decision by putting up posters opposing the alliance with the DMK.

Amid this backdrop, Congress functionaries believed to be supportive of a TVK alliance met Girish Chodankar at a hotel on Radhakrishnan Salai in Chennai. During the interaction, they reportedly conveyed that Rahul Gandhi’s decision to initiate discussions on a potential alliance with TVK but withdraw at the final stage reflected a lack of political maturity.

They also stated that the episode had resulted only in damage to Rahul Gandhi’s public image.

Responding to the concerns, Chodankar reportedly acknowledged that he too was not entirely satisfied with the seat-sharing arrangement reached with the DMK. However, he is said to have advised party members that the situation must be handled calmly and that the decision should be accepted in the larger interest of the party.

Subscribe to our channels on Telegram, WhatsApp, and Instagram and get the best stories of the day delivered to you personally.

The post “Rahul’s Image Damaged, Political Immaturity Exposed”, Congress Functionaries Reportedly Fuming Over DMK Alliance appeared first on The Commune.

Actor-turned-politician Vijay has recently taken aim at the ruling DMK over the issue of statues funded with public money. But a closer look at his own past statements reveals a striking contradiction.

At a political meeting of his party, Tamilaga Vettri Kazhagam, in Thanjavur, Vijay criticised the decision to erect a bronze statue of M Karunanidhi, accusing the ruling establishment of using public funds to glorify its own family.

Addressing the crowd, Vijay referred to the controversy around the statue proposal and invoked a remark attributed to the Supreme Court of India questioning the use of public money for personal glorification. He argued that governments frequently cite financial constraints when people demand solutions to basic livelihood issues, yet funds appear readily available when it comes to erecting statues of political leaders.

Using a Tamil proverb, he compared the act to making sweets at one’s own house using ghee borrowed from a neighbour implying that public resources were being used to promote the legacy of a political family.

He said, “You tried to install a bronze statue of your father, the Supreme Court asked, ‘In whose glory are you spending the people’s money?’ Don’t make sweets for your own home using the neighbourhood’s ghee. When people need basic livelihood support, you say ‘financial burden’ but for statues, where does the money come from, sir?”

A Very Different Vijay in 2010

However, Vijay’s current criticism sits uneasily alongside remarks he made more than a decade ago.

In 2010, at the “Paasathalaivanukku Paaraattu Vizha”, a Tamil film industry felicitation event organised to honour Karunanidhi, Vijay had openly expressed admiration for the DMK patriarch and even called for a statue to be erected in his honour.

Speaking at the event, Vijay praised Karunanidhi’s welfare initiatives and housing schemes for the poor. He noted that land was being provided and houses were being built for economically weaker sections and workers, describing it as an extraordinary achievement.

Vijay also said he had heard that the locality where these houses were being built would be named “Kalaignar Nagar.” But he argued that naming the area alone was not enough and suggested that a statue of Karunanidhi should also be installed there.

He went further, expressing a personal wish that the statue be unveiled during Karunanidhi’s centenary celebrations and said he hoped to stand alongside the veteran leader and admire the statue together.

He said, “Giving land and building homes for the poor is no ordinary deed – Kalaignar is doing this. Naming the locality ‘Kalaignar Nagar’ alone is not enough. I wish that a statue of Kalaignar be erected at that place. I hope that at his 100th birthday, we hold a similar function, and I admire that statue together with him.”

The Contradiction

The contrast between the two statements is difficult to miss.

In 2010, Vijay publicly advocated the installation of a statue for Karunanidhi and spoke of celebrating it during the leader’s hundredth birthday.

In 2026, the same Vijay criticises the erection of statues honouring the same political figure and frames it as an inappropriate use of public funds.

The juxtaposition of his own words from 2010 and his recent remarks in Thanjavur has sparked questions about consistency.

If erecting statues of political leaders with public funds is unacceptable today, why did Vijay once openly urge that a statue be installed for Karunanidhi and hope to admire it with him at a future celebration?

முன்னாள் முதல்வர் கருணாநிதிக்கு சிலை… தவெக தலைவர் விஜய் அன்றும் இன்றும்…#TVK | #Vijay | #DMK | #Karunanidhi | #statue pic.twitter.com/vFhsPVAABe

— PttvOnlinenews (@PttvNewsX) March 5, 2026

Subscribe to our channels on Telegram, WhatsApp, and Instagram and get the best stories of the day delivered to you personally.

The post Vijay Attacks Stalin Over Karunanidhi Statue, But Had Once Urged That A Statue Be Erected appeared first on The Commune.

A meeting of party functionaries of Tamilaga Vettri Kazhagam (TVK), led by actor-turned-politician Vijay, held today in Sengipatti in Thanjavur district, has attracted significant attention in political circles. The meeting is said to have been organised with the aim of strengthening the party’s grassroots structure ahead of the 2026 Assembly elections.

As reported in Tamil Samayam, around 4,900 party functionaries from various Assembly constituencies in Thanjavur district are expected to participate in the event. For the meeting, the district police have imposed 32 strict conditions.

This meeting is seen as part of Vijay’s attempt to expand his influence in the Delta region, where the DMK has traditionally maintained a strong political base.

Addressing party functionaries, Vijay criticised the DMK government and said, “Even little children have begun saying, Om Sakthi… Parasakthi… DMK is a theeya sakthi (an evil force).”

He added, “They are also saying something else: “Is the Tamil Nadu team the same as the Delhi team?” Even in cricket, the Delhi team cannot even touch the Tamil Nadu team. When that is the case, the whistle that blows in cricket is from Tamil Nadu (CSK). For the upcoming elections too, the whistle will be blown by our TVK. Tamil Nadu is TVK, and TVK is Tamil Nadu. All this talk about this team, that team, the Delhi team, all of that will be shattered and broken. TVK will smash them.”

He claimed that the DMK had no chance of returning to power in Tamil Nadu and argued that the party had not historically managed to remain in power continuously. Vijay also alleged that both the DMK and the AIADMK were apprehensive about his entry into politics, claiming the two parties feared that “if Vijay comes, their political survival will end.”

Speaking about issues faced by fishermen, Vijay said merely writing letters or using emotional language would not solve their problems.

“What is the use of writing ‘Maane, Thene, Ponmaane’ letters?” he asked, adding that firm and practical measures were needed to address the concerns of fishermen. He said a situation must be created in which no injustice could be done to Tamil Nadu fishermen and asserted that if a TVK government came to power, steps would be taken to safeguard their livelihood and security.

During his speech, Vijay also spoke about agriculture, stating, “I honestly admit that I do not know much about agriculture.” However, he said he would not claim to be a “son of the Delta soil” merely to attract public sympathy, adding that making such statements to influence people’s emotions was not part of his political approach.

He also criticised what he described as contradictory political behaviour, saying that those who blame the central government in Delhi while in Chennai often approach the same Delhi when central agencies initiate investigations.

Vijay further raised the issue of illegal sand mining in the state and questioned whether Chief Minister MK Stalin could deny that sand mafia groups were receiving political support under the DMK government.

Warning that continued corruption and misuse of natural resources could lead to economic difficulties for Tamil Nadu; Vijay said the state could face serious problems if the current government continued in power.

Subscribe to our channels on Telegram, WhatsApp, and Instagram and get the best stories of the day delivered to you personally.

The post ‘Om Sakthi, Parasakthi, DMK Is A ‘Theeya Sakthi’ (Evil Force): TVK Chief Vijay Attacks DMK appeared first on The Commune.

In what is being read as a significant political signal just months before the Tamil Nadu Assembly elections, screenshots circulating widely on social media today indicate that Congress leader and Leader of the Opposition Rahul Gandhi has unfollowed Tamil Nadu Chief Minister and DMK president MK Stalin on both X and Instagram. The move is notable because Stalin continues to follow Rahul Gandhi on Instagram – making the unfollow decidedly one-sided.

Neither Congress nor the DMK has issued an official statement on the development as of the time of writing.

A Friendship That Was Loudly Proclaimed

The social media unfollow stands in sharp contrast to the public display of warmth between the two leaders in recent months. As recently as 10 February 2026, Stalin had described his relationship with Rahul Gandhi as one of “brotherly attachment,” telling the India Today Tamil Nadu Roundtable that the DMK–Congress alliance would contest the 2026 elections together. “Rahul Gandhi looks at me as a brother beyond politics,” Stalin had said, calling his bond with the Congress leader “ideological, not just political”.

Even as recently as last October, Stalin had gone further, saying, “I never call any political leader a brother, but I call Rahul Gandhi my brother as he considers me his elder brother”.​

The Cracks Were Already Showing

But beneath the warm rhetoric, relations between the two parties have been under severe strain for months. The core dispute is over power-sharing. Congress has been pushing for cabinet berths and a larger seat share in the upcoming assembly election. DMK, however, has been unyielding – with Stalin making it clear that a coalition government “does not suit Tamil Nadu” and that the DMK would form the government on its own.

Senior DMK leader and Forests Minister RS Rajakannappan had bluntly stated that “DMK did not run on the strength of alliances”. Meanwhile, Congress leaders clashed publicly over how to respond, prompting Congress president Mallikarjun Kharge to step in and warn party leaders against airing internal dissent publicly.

Adding fuel to the fire, Rahul Gandhi pointedly dropped the word “brother” from his birthday greeting to Stalin on 1 March 2026, an omission that triggered fresh buzz over the state of their ties.

Wishing a very happy birthday to the Chief Minister of Tamil Nadu, Thiru @mkstalin.

May you have good health, strength, and a long life of dedicated service to the people of Tamil Nadu.

— Rahul Gandhi (@RahulGandhi) March 1, 2026

With seat-sharing talks formally beginning only as recently as 22 February 2026, and the Tamil Nadu election on the horizon, the timing of this unfollow raises urgent questions: Is this a deliberate pressure tactic by Rahul Gandhi to extract better terms from the DMK? Or does it mark the beginning of a more serious rupture in one of the opposition’s most important state-level alliances?​

For now, the screenshots are doing the political talking, and both parties would do well to respond before the silence speaks louder.

Subscribe to our channels on Telegram, WhatsApp, and Instagram and get the best stories of the day delivered to you personally.

The post Rahul Gandhi Unfollows MK Stalin On Insta And X? appeared first on The Commune.

Data from Google’s Ads Transparency Center and Meta’s Ad Library reveals a systematic, crore-scale operation running out of Chennai and mainstream media isn’t talking about it.

With Tamil Nadu Assembly elections widely expected to be announced in March 2026, a quietly incorporated Chennai company is spending crores of rupees on digital advertising at a scale that dwarfs every other political entity in India except the Central government and BJP, and its ownership trail leads straight to the Chief Minister’s family.

Populus Empowerment Network Private Limited (PEN), incorporated in November 2022, has emerged as India’s most aggressive state-level political digital advertiser, according to data drawn from Google’s Ads Transparency Center and Meta’s Ad Library. Its spending is verifiable; its ads are public and its links to the ruling DMK and Chief Minister M.K. Stalin’s son-in-law V. Sabareesan are documented.

Tamil Nadu: India’s Biggest State-Level Political Ad Spender

Start with the numbers at the state level. In a three-month window, Tamil Nadu spent ₹15.1 crore on Google ads – the highest of any state in India, according to Google’s political ad transparency data.

Tamil Nadu, a state with 6% of India’s population, is the spending state for political Google ads than Uttar Pradesh, India’s most populous state with a population nearly three times its size. This is not a marginal gap. Tamil Nadu spends 53% more than UP, and nearly 65% more than Maharashtra.​

The reason becomes clear when you look at who is doing the spending.

Who Is PEN?

Populus Empowerment Network Private Limited is a Chennai-based political communications company incorporated in 2022. Its official directors are Manikandan Vasudevan and Prabhakaran Sekar, but V Sabareesan, son-in-law of Chief Minister MK Stalin, is said to exercise indirect control over the company.​

PEN functions as DMK’s in-house digital and social media agency. It runs the Facebook page “Ellorum Nammudan” (596,000 followers), the Instagram handle “dmk_ellorumnammudan” (113,000 followers), and multiple other DMK-linked digital properties. It was also responsible for developing the “Makkalin Mudhalvar” app and game promoting the DMK’s “Dravidian Model” branding.​

In 2024, then Tamil Nadu BJP president K Annamalai publicly accused DMK of spending ₹7.39 crore in social media ads through PEN, calling it “crony capitalism” and alleging that the Chief Minister’s family was directly profiting from state-funded political propaganda. The allegations, backed by public Meta Ad Library and Google Transparency Center data, triggered an Election Commission complaint but no regulatory action followed.

The Scale Of Spending: Crores On Google, Crores On Meta

PEN’s cumulative ad spend, as captured from publicly available transparency data, is staggering for a company that files returns as a small private limited firm:

Google Ads (2024 alone): ₹9.25 crore, placing PEN as India’s second-largest non-government political Google advertiser, ahead of Prashant Kishor’s I-PAC and most national party state units.

Meta (Facebook + Instagram), Jan–Oct 2025: ₹4.1 crore across 1,054 ads, primarily through the Ellorum Nammudan pages.​

Google Ads, Jan–Oct 2025: ₹1.24 crore across 229 ads, with a sharp acceleration from July 2025 onwards.​

Combined estimate (Google + Meta, full 2025 cycle): Discussions in digital monitoring communities put the total at approximately ₹14–17 crore, with February 2026 showing a fresh surge tied to the election campaign period.​

To put this in perspective: CNBC TV18 reported that DMK’s total Google ad spend since 2018 is approximately ₹25 crore, placing it third nationally after the Central government’s advertising bureau and BJP.

The February 2026 Surge: Election Machine in Full Gear

As election season accelerates, so has PEN’s spending. Data from Google’s Ads Transparency Center for the February 2026 period shows a concentrated burst of ad expenditure.

Overall, they spend approximately ₹3.6 crore​s for the month of February 2026 (until 26 February 2026)

10–19 February 2026 (10 days): ₹3.41 crore on a single campaign reaching crores of viewers.

13–19 February 2026 (6 days): Ads worth about ₹2 crores were displayed

11–19 February 2026 (9 days): 144 ads were shown in this period with a spend of over ₹2.6 crores

The ads shown in the above time periods are as below:

When Senthil Balaji Factor Was Used For Crisis Management Through Ad Spend

One of the most revealing patterns in PEN’s spending data is its direct correlation with negative news cycles for the DMK government.

The sharpest spending acceleration occurred in July–October 2025, when Tamil Nadu faced three consecutive political crises: the sanitation workers’ protests over caste-based discrimination, the Karur stampede tragedy on 27 September 2025 (in which 41 people died at a TVK rally, triggering political fallout for DMK ally Senthil Balaji), and the subsequent SIT inquiry.

During this period, a disproportionate share of PEN’s ad budget went towards clips of Senthil Balaji’s press conferences, attempting to shape the narrative around a minister who had become a political liability. Between October 22–24, 2025 alone, PEN poured ₹1.25–1.5 lakh per day into a single campaign pushing Balaji-related content, reaching an estimated 2–2.25 million viewers in that window.

Ads were shown just about former DMK minister Senthil Balaji who has come to be identified as ₹10 Balaji because of the allegations of scam in TASMAC popularized by Vijay during the Karur Stampede Tragedy.

​The pattern confirms what critics have long alleged: PEN functions not just as a campaign ad agency but as a real-time crisis management operation funded through undisclosed channels and directed at protecting DMK’s political position between elections.

A Company Built for One Purpose

What makes PEN structurally unique, and concerning from an electoral transparency standpoint, is its exclusivity.

Unlike conventional digital agencies that serve multiple clients across sectors, PEN has no documented commercial clients outside DMK and its allied campaigns. Every trackable ad it has published promotes DMK content, attacks DMK’s political rivals (including TVK/Vijay), or promotes the “Dravidian Model” government narrative.​

This raises a fundamental question that no regulatory body has publicly answered: is PEN a private commercial company or is it an undisclosed arm of the ruling party’s political machinery? If the latter, its spending running into tens of crores should arguably be disclosed under election expenditure rules, not buried in the filings of a small Chennai private limited company linked to the Chief Minister’s family.

What The Mainstream Media Has Not Asked

The data underpinning this report is entirely public. Google publishes its political ad transparency data here. Meta’s Ad Library is accessible here. PEN’s company registration is available on the Ministry of Corporate Affairs portal. Its ads are visible to anyone who looks.

And yet, as of 27 February 2026, weeks before the Tamil Nadu elections are expected to be called, not one mainstream Tamil or English news outlet has published a comprehensive account of PEN’s ad spending, its ownership structure, or its policy violation rate on Google.

The Election Commission of India, which monitors campaign expenditure, has received at least one formal complaint about PEN’s operations (from Annamalai in 2024) but has not publicly acted on it. ​

With the election schedule expected to be announced in the first or second week of March 2026, the window for regulatory scrutiny is narrowing. Once the Model Code of Conduct kicks in, the question will no longer be whether PEN’s spending was transparent, but whether anyone with the authority to act was paying attention when it mattered.

Subscribe to our channels on WhatsApp, Telegram, Instagram and YouTube to get the best stories of the day delivered to you personally.

The post Inside DMK’s Digital War Room: How A Company Linked To Sabarisan Is Burning Cash To Build His Father-In-Law MK Stalin’s Image appeared first on The Commune.

Seat-sharing negotiations between the DMK and its Congress ally have intensified ahead of the upcoming elections, with Chief Minister MK Stalin reportedly expressing strong reservations over the Congress party’s demands, according to sources in the DMK.

Congress general secretary KC Venugopal and former Chhattisgarh Deputy Chief Minister TS Deo visited Chennai and met Stalin to discuss alliance terms. During the meeting, they handed over a letter said to have been sent by Rahul Gandhi outlining the Congress party’s expectations, including a share in government, allocation of 32 Assembly seats, and a Rajya Sabha berth.

Sources in Arivalayam said Stalin was taken aback after reviewing the contents of the letter and conveyed his concerns to Venugopal through DMK MP Kanimozhi.

According to reports from Tamil Janam/Dinamalar, the DMK leadership also flagged recent remarks made by Congress leaders, including Girish Chodankar, Praveen Chakravarty, and Manickam Tagore, stating that the comments were not only directed against the DMK but were also contrary to coalition norms. The DMK is said to have insisted that if the alliance is to continue smoothly, the Congress leadership should take action or at least issue a reprimand.

The DMK reportedly conveyed that it remains a strong political force capable of winning power independently but is bringing together secular parties primarily to prevent the BJP from gaining ground in Tamil Nadu.

Party sources indicated that continued criticism from the Congress camp could affect grassroots cooperation, warning that DMK cadres may not work wholeheartedly for the alliance under such circumstances. The DMK is also said to have maintained that discussions about a coalition government should arise only if it falls short of a majority, and that raising the issue prematurely would create confusion.

 

View this post on Instagram

 

A post shared by Tamil Janam (@tamiljanam)

The DMK leadership further pointed to developments in other states where, according to them, Congress’ strained ties with regional parties weakened both sides and enabled the BJP to form governments. Sources said the DMK conveyed concerns that a similar situation should not be allowed to emerge in Tamil Nadu.

The party is also said to have dismissed suggestions from some Congress quarters about a possible tie-up with TVK, asserting it was not under pressure and that any party is free to choose its alliances.

According to the sources, the DMK conveyed that while Congress retains a certain vote share in Tamil Nadu, it lacks the organisational machinery and cadre strength required for election management. The party reportedly emphasised that its electoral victories are driven by its own grassroots network.

Sources added that Stalin firmly indicated the DMK could allocate only up to 22 Assembly seats to the Congress in the current round of talks, while the question of a Rajya Sabha seat could be discussed at a later stage.

Subscribe to our channels on WhatsApp, Telegram, Instagram and YouTube to get the best stories of the day delivered to you personally.

The post “You Can Leave The Alliance If You Want”: MK Stalin Reportedly Told Congress Shocked By Rahul Gandhi’s Letter appeared first on The Commune.

The KN Nehru MAWS corruption scandal has been making the waves across the country, but the local Tamil media seem to be brushing it under the carpet for one main reason – the Enforcement Directorate (ED) has, for the first time during his tenure, named Tamil Nadu Chief Minister MK Stalin as a “direct beneficiary” in its dossier.

According to a 258-page communication sent by the ED to the Tamil Nadu government under Section 66(2) of the Prevention of Money Laundering Act (PMLA), the central agency alleged that at least ₹1,020 crore was collected through widespread tender manipulation in the MAWS department. The letter urged the state police to register an FIR to enable further PMLA investigation.

Stalin Named as “Direct Beneficiary”

On page 51 of the dossier, the ED stated that by virtue of being DMK president, Chief Minister Stalin is a “direct beneficiary” of the bribes allegedly collected as “party funds.” The agency also named Deputy Chief Minister Udhayanidhi Stalin in the same context.

Officials cited digital evidence recovered during April 2025 searches on Municipal Administration Minister KN Nehru, his relatives and associates. The ED claimed contractors were allegedly forced to pay 7.5–10% of contract value as kickbacks.

Notably, the agency clarified that it has not indicated any probe into the personal assets of either Stalin or Udhayanidhi in the present dossier.

Link to Key Associate

The ED communication also highlighted the role of Kavi Prasad, described as a close associate of Nehru’s family, particularly his brother KN Ravichandran of True Value Homes (TVH).

Investigators alleged that Kavi Prasad functioned as a key intermediary connecting senior IAS and IPS officers, MLAs, and the Chief Minister’s Office (CMO). The agency cited chats and call records purportedly showing senior officials addressing him with honorifics such as “Respected Sir” and “Chief.”

According to the ED, some officers allegedly approached Kavi Prasad for transfers, postings and tender-related favours, and sensitive intelligence was also shared with him – actions the agency termed a violation of service conduct rules.

Allegations Around Official Events

The dossier further alleged that bribes were collected from MAWS engineers to organise official programmes of the Chief Minister. One cited instance claimed ₹1 lakh each was collected from 43 engineers for a function in Tirunelveli district, based on recovered chat material.

Sources close to Kavi Prasad had earlier denied the ED’s allegations, describing the case as politically motivated.

How ED Says It Found the Trail

The agency stated the material emerged from digital devices seized during searches linked to a PMLA probe that originated from a CBI bank fraud case involving TVH. Although the bank fraud case was later quashed by the Madras High Court, the ED said the digital evidence led to separate corruption findings.

High Court Pushes Action

The issue has gained fresh legal traction after the Madras High Court on 20 February 2026 directed the Directorate of Vigilance and Anti-Corruption (DVAC) to examine the ED communication and register an FIR.

The court observed that the material shared by the ED was not a mere complaint but “detailed source information disclosing cognisable offences.”

Political Ripples

Government sources indicated that soon after details of the ED letter surfaced in December 2025, Stalin reviewed the matter with senior police officials. He subsequently cautioned party functionaries about the possible “use” of central agencies against the DMK.

With the High Court now pushing for formal action, the ED’s naming of the sitting Chief Minister, even in an alleged beneficiary capacity, marks a politically sensitive moment in Tamil Nadu’s pre-election landscape.

Source: Sid Prabhakar Medium Page

Subscribe to our channels on WhatsApp, Telegram, Instagram and YouTube to get the best stories of the day delivered to you personally.

The post MAWS Mega Scam: ED Dossier Names MK Stalin As ‘Direct Beneficiary’, Tamil Media Silent appeared first on The Commune.

The Madras High Court, on Friday 20 February 2026, directed the Directorate of Vigilance and Anti-Corruption (DVAC) to register a criminal case based on inputs from the Enforcement Directorate (ED) alleging large-scale corruption in the Municipal Administration and Water Supply (MAWS) Department headed by DMK Minister KN Nehru.

The direction was issued by a Division Bench comprising Chief Justice Manindra Mohan Shrivastava and Justice G. Arul Murugan while hearing writ petitions seeking registration of an FIR in the alleged cash-for-jobs and transfer-posting scam. The Bench had earlier reserved orders after hearing detailed submissions from all sides.

Pulling up the State over the delay in acting on the ED’s communication, the court held that the material already on record disclosed cognisable offences warranting immediate registration of a case.

“The details shared and materials available reveal that those candidates got selected pursuant to the alleged transactions. And when a large-scale corruption stated to have happened involving several hundred crores of rupees, we find that source material is sufficient enough disclosing the commission of a cognisable offence for the purpose of registering a case,” the court observed.

The Bench noted that the ED had, on 27 October 2025, shared detailed source information with the State under Section 66(2) of the Prevention of Money Laundering Act (PMLA), along with voluminous supporting material.

“It was for the State to register a case on the detailed information shared by the Enforcement Directorate…and they could have thereafter concluded a detailed investigation to unravel the truth and bring the culprits to book,” the court said.

Rejecting the State’s stand that a preliminary or detailed inquiry should precede FIR registration, the court clarified that the ED’s communication could not be treated as a mere complaint.

“It is not a case where the authorities have received a bare complaint…it is a detailed source information provided by the Enforcement Directorate with a voluminous set of evidence…disclosing a cognisable offence,” the Bench held.

So What Was The Source Information?

A few months ago, the Enforcement Directorate (ED) formally alleged the existence of a structured tender-manipulation network inside the Municipal Administration and Water Supply (MAWS) Department. The allegations that are circulating now on social media are from a 232-page October 27 dossier submitted in a sealed cover, that was shared with the TN DGP. This information has now gained fresh momentum following the Madras High Court’s direction to the Directorate of Vigilance and Anti-Corruption (DVAC) to register a criminal case and proceed with a full investigation.

The ED did not submit before the #MadrasHighCourt any 258-page document in the cash for jobs scam case against Municipal Administration Minister K.N. Nehru. The ED had submitted, in a sealed cover, only a 232- page dossier which it had shared with the Tamil Nadu DGP on October… pic.twitter.com/80OGr4A8hA

— Mohamed Imranullah S (@imranhindu) February 21, 2026

The ED’s communication, dated 3 December 2025 and issued by its Chennai Zonal Office-I under Section 66(2) of the Prevention of Money Laundering Act (PMLA), was sent to the Tamil Nadu Chief Secretary, the DGP, and the DVAC. The ED states that this dossier is backed by extensive digital forensics recovered during search operations, including WhatsApp chats, call records, photographs, financial calculations, and tender documents.

At the heart of the ED’s case is a serious allegation: that a parallel, informal system allegedly operated within MAWS through which government tenders were effectively decided in advance, with contractors required to pay a fixed percentage of project value as what was described in chats as “Party Fund.”

How The Evidence Surfaced

Important clarification: The following details on “Party Fund”, tender pre-fixing, hawala mechanisms (₹10-note photos, Dubai links), Kavi Prasad’s role, specific commission examples, ₹1,020 crore estimates, pre-allocated tenders, Stalin family references (e.g., Para 9.8), and bureaucratic/political links are drawn from the ED’s separate December 3, 2025, communication on alleged tender corruption and transfers/postings. These were not part of the 232-page dossier on which the Madras High Court based its February 20, 2026, directive to register an FIR. The court order focuses exclusively on recruitment irregularities (cash-for-jobs). Claims of Stalin family as ultimate beneficiaries remain unendorsed ED allegations from the separate dossier and are not referenced in the court order.

According to the ED, the material did not originate from a tender probe. It emerged incidentally during searches conducted in April 2025 at premises linked to MAWS Minister KN Nehru, his relatives, associates, and entities connected to the True Value Homes (TVH) Group owned by his brother KN Ravichandran.

Inside the ED’s 258 Page Note: How Tamilnadu’s MAWS Tenders Were Allegedly Fixed Before Bids Even Opened? #DMK #KNNehru #AIADMK #MKStalin #UdhayanidhiStalin

A 258 page internal communication sent by the ED to Tamilnadu’s DGP, DVAC, and the Chief Secretary has alleged the… pic.twitter.com/QZkXj7reQh

— Harish M (@chnmharish) February 20, 2026

Those searches were initially tied to a CBI-registered bank fraud case. Although that predicate case was later quashed by the Madras High Court and the related PMLA investigation closed, the ED has stated that forensic examination of seized digital devices revealed large-scale corruption in municipal contracts. The agency then compiled the material into multiple communications to the State government, culminating in the dossier.

The Alleged “Party Fund” Model

Based on the 232-page dossier, it is stated that the ED’s central claim is that MAWS contractors were allegedly required to pay between 7.5% and 10% of contract value as commission to secure or retain government works. In recovered chats, investigators say these payments were repeatedly referred to as “PF,” which the agency interprets as shorthand for “Party Fund.”

The dossier cites multiple calculation sheets recovered from phones that appear to apply this percentage formula mechanically across projects. In one example, a ₹35-crore municipal project allegedly carried a calculated “party fund” of approximately ₹2.62 crore, of which around ₹2 crore was shown as paid with a balance pending. Another sheet reportedly recorded ₹91.96 lakh as the fund component for a ₹9.19-crore work.

Investigators describe these not as isolated instances but as evidence of what they believe was a standardised commission framework operating across MAWS tenders.

Scale Of The Alleged Operation

The ED’s analysis suggests the suspected system may have operated across multiple categories of municipal works, including stormwater drains, sanitation outsourcing, community toilets, village roads, sweeper quarters, and NABARD-funded schemes. One compiled table cited in the dossier allegedly links around ₹410 crore worth of projects to commission calculations. In its formal communication, the agency has gone further, estimating that bribe collections tied to tender rigging may have touched ₹1,020 crore.

The agency says these conclusions are based on a combination of contractor statements, digital chats, financial records, and internal calculation sheets recovered during the searches.

Kavi Prasad: The Alleged Nodal Intermediary

A central figure in the ED’s narrative is Kavi Prasad, described as a long-time associate of the minister’s family and a former director in companies belonging to the TVH Group. According to the dossier, forensic extraction of his mobile phone revealed extensive communication with senior bureaucrats, police officers, elected representatives, contractors, and municipal officials.

The ED alleges that Prasad functioned as a liaison between contractors seeking government work and decision-makers within the administration. In several chats cited by investigators, officials are said to have addressed him with deferential titles such as “Sir,” “Chief,” and “Respected Sir,” while allegedly seeking his assistance for arranging ministerial meetings, facilitating transfers and postings, or securing allotment of works.

Alleged ₹10-Note Hawala Trail, Points To Network Involving Nehru Associates

According to material cited in the Enforcement Directorate’s dossier, investigators analysed digital evidence purportedly recovered from the phone of D Ramesh, an employee linked to entities associated with Minister K. N. Nehru’s family. The agency notes that chats between Ramesh and one T Prabhu repeatedly referenced cash “hand over” entries alongside photographs of ₹10 notes, which investigators interpret as token markers in an alleged hawala settlement mechanism.

In several instances, figures such as “76” and “124” were recorded, which the ED claims correspond to ₹76 lakh and ₹1.24 crore respectively, suggesting systematic cash movement.

The dossier further alleges that once cash was handed to intermediaries, the photographed ₹10 note numbers were used as identifiers to facilitate settlement through overseas channels, including entities linked to Dubai. Investigators also flag deposits allegedly routed through multiple accounts, described as suspected shell entities, using party-linked operatives.

Parallel extractions from the phone of Kavi Prasad, described as a close associate of K. N. Manivannan (brother of the minister), reportedly indicate his role as a liaison point connecting contractors, officials and political functionaries.

The ED notes chats referencing appointments with the DMK first family including MK Stalin’s son-in-law Sabareesan, PA of Durga Stalin, etc ad also other chats about advance-linked tender discussions.

In tender-related communications, the agency claims certain works, including Smart City digital board projects, appeared to be earmarked in advance for specific firms such as VT Constructions, CNT Constructions and Trident Solutions, with alleged commission demands in the range of 10–15%.

One message cited in the dossier refers to “PF” or “party fund” readiness in connection with a ₹19-crore project, which investigators interpret as a 10% cut.

The material also references internal acknowledgements in KN Manivannan’s chats showing amounts marked “received,” which the ED says mirror earlier handover entries.

Based on a limited six-to-eight-month slice of these communications, the agency estimates that roughly ₹1,020 crore may have been moved through the suspected network, though it notes that larger financial flows linked to the department’s annual outlay, estimated in the dossier at ₹80,000 crore to ₹1 lakh crore, would require deeper forensic verification.

This information is based on the chats between 3 people over the above timeline alone. The chats show a pattern commonly associated with hawala transactions – an illegal value-transfer system in which physical cash is settled through parallel networks rather than formal banking channels. The repeated sharing of specific ₹10 note numbers, the “hand over” confirmations, and references to overseas settlement points such as Dubai are cited in the dossier as indicators of off-book fund movement. Investigators state that offshore movement of such funds, if established, could have broader economic implications.

Bureaucratic And Political Links Cited

The dossier references communications involving multiple IAS and IPS officers, as well as elected representatives. An IAS officer from Salem is alleged to have provided a report to Kavi Prasad in response to a complaint routed through the Chief Minister’s Office, which Prasad then relayed back to the CMO.

There are many IPS officers whose communications are referenced. The ED says these exchanges form part of the digital evidence under examination.

The note also names several elected representatives, including Sudharshan, A.P. Nandhakumar, Ebenezer (RK Nagar MLA), and DMK MP Kalanithi, who are alleged to have shared tender lists or project details via messaging platforms.

Allegations Of Pre-Fixed Tenders

One of the most serious aspects of the ED’s findings concerns the alleged pre-allocation of works. The dossier claims investigators recovered photographs of tender lists that were circulated while bid deadlines were still open but already had contractor names handwritten next to specific projects.

In multiple chats cited by the agency, contractors allegedly asked whether particular works were available, to which the reported reply was: “All above tenders already blocked.” The ED interprets this language as indicating that certain tenders were treated as pre-decided inventory rather than competitive procurements.

The note further alleges that eligibility criteria for some tenders were framed or modified in advance to suit particular contractors, with retired Chief Engineer Ponnambalam named as having assisted in this process.

Advance Collections And Code Language

The ED claims some chats suggest that up to 50% of the alleged commission was collected even before bid closure. Investigators also say coded financial shorthand was used in conversations, including references such as “50” for ₹50 lakh and “5 books” for ₹5 crore. In one cited exchange, an IPS officer allegedly wrote that the “Party [is] ready with PF.”

Alleged Money Trail

The dossier contains a dedicated section on suspected fund movement. According to the ED, proceeds from the alleged commission system were layered through bank transfers, domestic hawala operators, and international hawala channels before final settlement. Investigators say they recovered material indicating serial-number tracking of currency bundles, photographs of cash packets, and calculation sheets tied to specific contract values.

Stalin Family – Ultimate Beneficiary

In what is perhaps the most politically sensitive portion of the note, the ED states in Para 9.8 (pages 51–52) that the “Party Fund” referenced in communications was allegedly collected for the benefit of the ruling DMK. The document notes that the DMK is headed by Chief Minister MK Stalin and further alleges that the ultimate beneficiaries of such collections include Stalin and Deputy Chief Minister Udhayanidhi Stalin.

The agency’s reasoning, as described in the communication, is based on Stalin’s position as party chief. The dossier does not state that the ED has opened any investigation into the personal assets of either leader.

Sources close to Kavi Prasad have denied the allegations and indicated they view the action as politically motivated.

Engineers’ Contribution?

The ED also cites a message recovered from the phone of N. Ravichandran, attributed to Kavi Prasad, referring to ₹1 lakh contributions allegedly collected from 43 MAWS engineers and officers for organising an official function connected to the Chief Minister in Tirunelveli.

Investigators present this as further evidence of informal fund collection mechanisms.

Going through the ED dossier details I have as of now. (KN Nehru)

The evidences point to an alleged tender manipulation network involving municipal infrastructure contracts in Tamil Nadu.

Here’s what the proofs gathered reportedly indicate pic.twitter.com/OtK8fbbMFF

— Saikiran Kannan | 赛基兰坎南 (@saikirankannan) February 20, 2026

What Lies Ahead

With the High Court’s directive now in force, the DVAC is required to formally register a case and carry out a comprehensive probe into the alleged tender manipulation and associated financial flows. The outcome of that investigation will determine whether the ED’s explosive claims translate into prosecutable evidence.

Subscribe to our channels on Telegram, WhatsApp, and Instagram and get the best stories of the day delivered to you personally.

The post 10% Commission As ‘Party Fund’ With ₹10 Note As Hawala Code To Swindle Crores, ED Dossiers On KN Nehru Exposes Dravidian Model DMK’s Scientific Corruption appeared first on The Commune.

The Supreme Court on Thursday, 19 February 2026, reserved its order on a plea filed by AIADMK leader Saidai S. Duraisamy challenging a Madras High Court judgment that had dismissed his election petition against Tamil Nadu Chief Minister and DMK leader MK Stalin over alleged corrupt practices in the 2011 Assembly elections.

MK Stalin case: Supreme Court reserves order in plea by AIADMK leader SA Duraiswamy challenging TN CM Stalin’s 2011 assembly election win from Kolathur constituency.

The plea alleges that Stalin and his party representatives indulged in corrupt practices, particularly by… pic.twitter.com/cwXEI0184g

— Bar and Bench (@barandbench) February 19, 2026

A bench comprising Justices J.K. Maheshwari and Vijay Bishnoi heard submissions from counsel appearing for both sides before reserving its verdict.

Duraisamy had contested the 2011 Tamil Nadu Assembly election from the Kolathur constituency, where he lost to Stalin by a margin of 2,739 votes. Following the defeat, he filed an election petition alleging large-scale electoral malpractices.

In 2017, the Madras High Court dismissed Duraisamy’s petition.

In his plea, the AIADMK leader alleged distribution of money to voters, violation of prescribed election expenditure limits, and irregularities including supplementary counting. He further accused the DMK of deploying party functionaries and financial resources to influence voters through methods he described as innovative inducements amounting to “corrupt practice” under Section 123 of the Representation of the People Act.

Duraisamy also alleged that the DMK employed what he termed the “Thirumangalam Formula” to distribute money to voters through indirect channels, including community feasts, courier deliveries, cash concealed in newspapers, and slips enabling the purchase of consumer goods.

The Supreme Court has reserved its order on the matter.

Source: Deccan Chronicle

Subscribe to our channels on Telegram, WhatsApp, and Instagram and get the best stories of the day delivered to you personally.

The post Did MK Stalin’s 2011 Kolathur Victory Involve Electoral Malpractice? Supreme Court Reserves Verdict appeared first on The Commune.