A local functionary of the ruling Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam (DMK) broke down in public and staged a hunger protest near Vedaranyam after alleging that senior party leaders deliberately boycotted a welfare assistance programme he had organised at great personal cost.

Jayashankar, a DMK branch secretary, said he had mortgaged his house to organise the party programme but was left humiliated when senior leaders failed to attend despite being formally invited. Visibly distressed, he accused party leaders of sidelining him because of his social background.

“I mortgaged my house thinking I should conduct this programme for the party. Does someone from an oppressed community, living below the poverty line, not have the right to be in politics?” he said, breaking down in tears.

Jayashankar claimed that despite issuing proper invitations, district secretary Gauthaman and union secretary Mahakumar did not attend the event. He alleged that internal factionalism was being encouraged by the union secretary, whom he accused of deliberately creating conflict.

Referring to the party’s ideology, he questioned, “If DMK claims to go beyond language and race, does that mean there is no caste? Why am I being treated this way?”

When asked about the allegations, union secretary Mahakumar told reporters that Jayashankar had organised the programme without informing him in advance. He claimed that proper coordination procedures had not been followed.

Due to the failure of the programme, beneficiaries who had arrived to receive welfare assistance reportedly returned disappointed.

Jayashankar further alleged sustained harassment and humiliation by party functionaries. “They say the district secretary will not come unless the union secretary is present. Have we ever ignored the union secretary or failed to give him importance?” he asked.

He claimed he was subjected to verbal abuse and mental harassment, stating, “They treat me as inferior, abuse me, and humiliate me. I am being mentally tortured. They tell me I should not express my emotions or organise any programme.”

In an emotionally charged statement, he said, “I don’t know if I will be alive tomorrow. I am alive today, but I don’t know about tomorrow. When I try to express my feelings for the party and its leader, I am insulted and disgraced.”

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The post Dravidian Model Social Justice? DMK Functionary Breaks Down, Alleges Neglect And Caste Discrimination After Welfare Event Fails appeared first on The Commune.

On October 4, 2025, a sanitation worker in Kolathur, Chennai, lost his life after inhaling toxic fumes while cleaning a sewer, and two others were hospitalized.

According to a Times of India report, The deceased was identified as K. Kuppan (37), assisted by T. Sankar (40) and supervisor S. Hariharan (28). The trio entered the drain at Thirupathi Nagar, First Main Road, Third Cross Street around 2:30 p.m., and Kuppan collapsed on inhaling poisonous gas. Sankar and Hariharan attempted a rescue but also lost consciousness. They were rushed to Periyar Nagar Hospital; Kuppan was declared dead there, and his body later transferred to Stanley Hospital for postmortem.

BJP spokesperson ANS Prasad criticized the DMK government over its unfulfilled election promise to eradicate manual scavenging via modern technology, demanding disclosure of sanitation worker fatalities over the past five years.

Meanwhile, the Metrowater Managing Director stated that such sewer work is supposed to be conducted under its supervision, and insisted that Kuppan had entered the drain without authorization.

Just weeks earlier, on September 22, 2025, two contract workers — Prabhu (32) and A. Ravi (38) — died of suspected asphyxiation in Trichy while cleaning an underground drainage (UGD) chamber. Prabhu collapsed first, and Ravi lost consciousness while attempting to rescue him. The workers were engaged under the Phase II UGD project, linking households to a 37 MLD sewage treatment plant. Local authorities suspect the release of toxic gases when rainwater mixed with stagnant sewage after a “dummy block” was removed. A First Information Report (FIR) has been registered under negligence charges.

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The post Dravidian Model: Hygiene Worker Dies Of Cleaning Sewer In CM Stalin’s Kolathur Constituency, Tamil Nadu Tops In Manual Scavenging Deaths appeared first on The Commune.

A video from Tamil Nadu’s Villupuram district has sparked widespread condemnation after it showed a government employee from a Scheduled Caste background falling at the feet of a DMK councillor inside the Tindivanam Municipality office.

The individual, identified as Muniyappan, a junior assistant, was summoned to the office of the municipal commissioner following a complaint reportedly lodged by DMK councillor Ramya Raja concerning a financial file. In the footage, Muniyappan is seen apologizing to the councillor while multiple voices in the room instruct him to say sorry. Surrounded by several council members who insisted that his apology was not enough, Muniyappan ultimately bowed down and touched the councillor’s feet an act that has caused significant public and political uproar.

The viral video has led to strong criticism from civil society groups and activists, who are demanding accountability and disciplinary action against the councillors involved.

Reacting to the controversy, former Tamil Nadu BJP president K. Annamalai condemned the incident, describing it as a reflection of the DMK’s hypocrisy on social justice. “This is DMK’s model of Social Justice. A public servant belonging to the Scheduled Caste community in Tindivanam was cornered continuously by DMK Councillors and was made to apologise by falling at the feet of the DMK Councillor Ramya. This is not the first time DMK has humiliated public servants. This is not an isolated incident; earlier, DMK Minister Thiru Raja Kannappan had abused a government servant with caste slurs. What the DMK parades as Social Justice is, in truth, nothing more than Social Injustice.”

This is DMK’s model of Social Justice.

A public servant belonging to the Scheduled Caste community in Tindivanam was cornered continuously by DMK Councillors and was made to apologise by falling at the feet of the DMK Councillor Ramya. This is not the first time DMK has… pic.twitter.com/XrjNvtPvAN

— K.Annamalai (@annamalai_k) September 3, 2025

Adding further controversy to the situation, it has come to light that Ramya Raja’s husband, Maruvur Raja, has a history of criminal activity. In April 2024, he was apprehended by the Prohibition Enforcement Wing during a vehicle inspection. Authorities seized 105 litres of rectified spirit and 5,000 litres of illicit arrack in his possession. Based on a recommendation by the Kallakurichi Superintendent of Police, who also holds additional charge for Villupuram, the District Collector ordered his detention under the Goondas Act. The order was executed while he was held at Cuddalore Central Prison.

Maruvur Raja is believed to have strong ties with senior DMK leadership and is reportedly a close aide to Minister K.S. Masthan, further intensifying allegations of political protection and misuse of power.

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The post Dravidian Model Of Social Justice: Scheduled Caste Officer Humiliated, Forced To Fall At DMK Councillor’s Feet In Municipality Office appeared first on The Commune.

The Leftist propaganda portal The Wire has once again exposed its grotesque disingenuousness by publishing a shamelessly revisionist article by Bangladeshi writer Ahmede Hussain, which distorts the bloody history of Partition and the genocide of Bengali Hindus under the fraudulent banner of “social justice” and “class struggle.”

Hussain’s piece is not just ahistorical; it is an insidious attempt to sanitize the religious fanaticism and ethnic cleansing that defined the creation of Pakistan, particularly in East Bengal. By framing the Pakistan Movement as some noble Marxist uprising against feudal oppression, he deliberately obscures the brutal reality: it was a movement steeped in Islamic majoritarianism, culminating in the mass slaughter of Hindus on Direct Action Day (16 August 1946) and the systemic extermination of Bengali Hindus during Partition.

The Big Lie: A “Class Struggle”?

Hussain’s argument hinges on the absurd claim that the demand for Pakistan in East Bengal was a “revolt” against zamindars and caste oppression, rather than a religiously motivated campaign for Muslim supremacy. This is Marxist sophistry at its worst.

The Nawab of Dhaka, Khwaja Nazimuddin, a feudal aristocrat and key architect of Partition, was no revolutionary fighting for the downtrodden. He was a wealthy elite who rallied Muslims under the banner of Islam to carve out a theocratic state.

Jogendra Nath Mandal, the Dalit leader Hussain selectively cites, was ultimately betrayed by the same Muslim League he supported. After Partition, Mandal fled Pakistan in 1950, disillusioned by the relentless persecution of Hindus and Dalits in the new Islamic state. His own experience demolishes Hussain’s fantasy of Pakistan as an egalitarian utopia.

Direct Action Day, orchestrated by Jinnah, was not a “class revolt” – it was a calculated pogrom where fanatic Muslim mobs, incited by the League, butchered Hindus in Calcutta and Noakhali. The violence was explicitly communal, not economic.

Even if we were to grant The Wire’s fantasy that Pakistan was born out of some egalitarian impulse, history laughs at the claim.

Land reforms collapsed.

Peasant poverty remained untouched.

Power was monopolized by the same feudal elites and religious aristocracy.

Minorities such as Hindus, Sikhs, Christians, Ahmadis, were persecuted, driven out, or reduced to second-class subjects.

What kind of “social justice” is it where minorities are slaughtered, and women are dishonored in the streets?

The Marxist Playbook: Weaponizing “Social Justice” to Erase Hindu Suffering

Partition was not a sterile chess game of classes. It was a blood-soaked jihad. Across Calcutta, Noakhali, Punjab, and Sindh, mobs marched under the Banner of the Prophet (rāyat al-`uqāb), shouting “Nara-e-Takbir, Allahu Akbar.” Hindus were forced at swordpoint to recite the kalma, eat beef, and watch their temples desecrated before being hacked down.

Direct Action Day (1946, Calcutta): Eyewitness Philip Talbot described bloated, mutilated bodies floating in the streets, women raped in front of families, children orphaned overnight. At least 4,000–10,000 were killed and 100,000 rendered homeless within 72 hours.

Noakhali (1946): Hindu homes looted, temples burnt, women abducted, mass forced conversions. At least 5,000 dead, thousands of women dishonored.

Moplah-led Massacre of Hindus (1921): Whitewashed as a “peasant revolt,” this was jihad in the rawest form. 2,500 Hindus butchered, tens of thousands displaced, women raped, temples razed. Mobs marched with the green Islamic flag, chanting Khilafat slogans, declaring jihad as their sacred duty. Gandhi called these jihadis “my brave Moplah brethren.”

Kashmir (1990): Echoes of the same slogans, “Raliv, Galiv, ya Chaliv” (convert, die, or flee), with Hindus driven out under threat of death and rape.

These were not “class wars.” These were religious pogroms, waged under the banner of faith, justified by promises of paradise for jihadists. To strip the violence of its religious character is to lie twice over: once about history, and again about the meaning of Hindu survival.

Hussain’s piece follows this sinister tradition, erasing Hindu victims while portraying their killers as oppressed revolutionaries. It is no coincidence that The Wire, a hub of Marxist-Leninist apologia, platformed this garbage. Their agenda is clear: demonize Hindu civilizational memory while absolving Islamist violence under the cover of “progressive” rhetoric.

Hypocrisy of Marxist Portals

The Wire and its ideological ilk never fail to expose their hypocrisy. They sermonise endlessly about “speaking truth to power,” yet they peddle narratives that excuse the worst atrocities against Hindus as “structural struggles.” They posture about “social justice” while justifying bloodshed carried out under religious banners. They weep crocodile tears for minorities everywhere, yet for the Hindu victims of Bengal, Malabar, or Kashmir, they have nothing but erasure and disdain.

When Hindus are slaughtered, the story becomes “class struggle.” When Hindus resist, the same portals deride it as “majoritarianism.” This double standard is not accidental. It is ideological warfare.

Civilizational Memory Cannot Be Erased

Sitaram Goel once warned of this very Marxist ploy: to recast Quran-ordained jihad as peasant uprising, to weaponize class struggle as a fig leaf for religious bigotry. That is exactly what Hussain’s essay attempts – and The Wire, ever eager to toe the Marxist line, happily amplifies it.

But history is not so easily rewritten. Civilizational memory runs deep. Hindus remember (and will continue to remember) the carnage of Direct Action Day. We remember the flight of millions of refugees from East Bengal. We remember the broken temples, the desecrated homes, the women who never came back.

And we refuse to let their sacrifice be trivialised by the sophistry of “class struggle.”

Ahmede Hussain and The Wire are just apologists for religious extremism, repackaging the Pakistan Movement’s butchery of Hindus as some noble “class struggle.”

Try telling that to the millions of Bengali Hindus slaughtered on Direct Action Day, or the families wiped out during Partition, the victims not of “feudal oppression,” but of Islamic majoritarianism. No Marxist jargon can whitewash the bloodstains of Noakhali, Calcutta, or the systemic cleansing of Hindus from East Bengal.

Hussain even forgot how his own people from East Bengali were massacred during Operation Searchlight in 1971 when the Pakistan Army and its allies perpetrated genocide against East Pakistanis, targeting Bengalis especially Hindus and intellectuals through mass killings, rape, and village destruction. Estimates of deaths range from 300,000 to 3,000,000, and hundreds of thousands of women were sexually assaulted. While Bengali Hindus were disproportionately affected, many Bengali Muslims were also killed, particularly those supporting independence or suspected of pro-liberation sympathies. The violence stemmed from efforts to suppress Bengali nationalism and identity, not just religious differences, making it one of modern history’s worst atrocities.

Partition in East Bengal was not a Marxist revolution; it was religious majoritarianism unchained, with Hindus as its primary victims. To call it anything else is not just bad history – it is moral depravity.

When Leftists whitewash jihad as ‘class struggle,’ they don’t just lie about the past. They arm the oppressors of the future.”

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The post The Wire’s Marxist Whitewash: How Bangladeshi Writer Ahmede Hussain Justifies Hindu Genocide In Bengal Under The Guise Of “Class Struggle” & “Social Justice” appeared first on The Commune.

BJ leader K. Annamalai criticized the DMK-led state government, stating that “Social Justice” remains merely a slogan with no real implementation on the ground. His remarks came after a Scheduled Tribe (ST) student was expelled from a government school for not having a birth certificate or Aadhaar card.

The student, Santhosh, son of Sivakumar and Radhika, is a 7th-grade student a resident of Amma Nagar in the Poonamallee, who has been attending school without an Aadhaar card. Reportedly, the school required the Aadhaar for continued enrollment. For the past six months, his family has been making rounds to various government offices including the Poonamallee Tahsildar’s office and the Koyambedu Aadhar office to resolve the issue, but to no avail. Frustrated, the student and his parents took their plea to the District Collector’s grievance day meeting, explaining that the lack of a birth certificate has prevented them from obtaining an Aadhaar card effectively denying the child his right to education.

Reacting to the incident, Annamalai via his official X account said, “Is this part of the State education policy you released a few days back, Thiru @mkstalin? Our Hon PM Thiru @narendramodi avl empowered the Narikuravar community by including them in the ST list, and here is DMK Govt rusticating a boy from that community from the Government school for lack of Birth Certificate and an Aadhar card. His parents have knocked on the doors of every government office including the Tahsildar’s office in Thiruvallur district, only to be met with apathy. Under the DMK government, ‘Social Justice’ exists only in speeches, not in action.”

Is this part of the State education policy you released a few days back, Thiru @mkstalin?

Our Hon PM Thiru @narendramodi avl empowered the Narikuravar community by including them in the ST list, and here is DMK Govt rusticating a boy from that community from the Government… pic.twitter.com/DENzUPu3Sx

— K.Annamalai (@annamalai_k) August 12, 2025

(With inputs from Dinakaran)

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The post ST Student Expelled From TN Govt School For Lack Of Aadhaar & Birth Certificate; BJP Leader Annamalai Slams DMK’s ‘Social Justice’ Claim appeared first on The Commune.

Speaking to reporters earlier this week, Naam Tamilar Katchi (NTK) chief Seeman stirred controversy with his blasting comments on Dravidianist ideologue EV Ramasamy Naicker (EVR), hailed as Periyar by his followers. Seeman mocked EVR’s controversial actions during the independence movement, challenging the rationality behind his decisions. He further criticized EVR for what he described as an anti-Tamil mindset.

Following the press conference, several Dravidianists demanded proof for all the statements made. Seeman once again met with press reporters and attacked EVR once again.

When asked about the demand for proof of his claims on EV Ramasamy Naicker, Seeman questioned, “You recently made Karunanidhi’s work a government property. There are so many writers, you have made all their works government properties. Why have you not made the works of Periyar as public property and make it government property? You keep all the proof and ask me for it, how is that right? Make it accessible to the public and I will peel an onion. We will come to know that both are the same.”   

When counter-questioned that he was the B team of BJP and was propagating the same words used by them, Seeman said, “We are BJP’s B team. In the Viduthalai publication on his birthday, it was titled “My birthday message” It was written, “Brahmins are lower than us (in caste). Mohammedans and Christians are our enemies. These groups are against us.” What does he mean by us? Brahmins are enemies, lower caste than us, who is that? There should be none below us, we must raise him up, there should be no higher/lower. Isn’t that your principle – equality? Isn’t this how a society progresses? If you say, someone lower than us, Christians, Muslims are our enemies, then what about our race? What is that race? Is there a worse untouchability perspective than this? Who is below you? Ambedkar said I am no one’s slave nor am I lower than anyone, this doesn’t sound like that. Are you referring to those who believe in Dravidianism and those Muslims and Christians who believe in it? How can you accept calling them enemies? How can you accept the statement that jobs are reducing because Muslims and Christians became educated? How do you see when he said that “reservation given to “Thulukkans” (Muslims) fearing Brahmins, we have put our foot in sh*t instead of cow dung“, you did not ask for proof for that?

He further said, “Why did you not ask for proof when he said, “Those who speak about Tamilians, Tamil, Tamil Nadu government are fraudulent people.” If speaking about Tamilians is racist and hateful, who is the enemy? If we speak about Tamilians, which race is getting offended, which race are we against? If you say they are against the Dravidian race, who is the Dravidian? Is there a separate race called Dravidian among Tamils? Why did you not ask proof for this? You ask, “That Tamil Mother (Tamizh Thaai) who has been there for 3000 years, did she educate you? So are you trying to say that over these 3000 years, without education did Valluvar, Kambar, Kapilan, Elango, and Avvaiyar sprout out of nowhere? All the literature and epics came out of nowhere, Valluvar gave us the world’s best life skills, and the whole world is celebrating him, you called it “faeces” – did all this appear without education? Are the 63 Nayanmars, the Alwars all waste? You call Bhakti literature garbage. You call Valluvar, and Kambar as fools and all others as enemies, you are saying we never studied. Bharathiyar says, “Tamil Nadu is the best place for education, Tamil Nadu is the birthplace of Kamban” – which is right? He also says “Tamil Nadu, where Valluvan made himself famous worldwide, No one on earth has ever been born like Kamban, like Valluvan, like Ilango, among the poets who are known.” He says this is truth, not praise.”

He further added, “Can there be a worse contradiction than comparing Ambedkar and Periyar? If you keep both statues together, can it become one? Are their philosophies the same? Ambedkar is the best educator and the best theoretician in the world, what about Periyar? He speaks whatever he wants. Ambedkar preached universal thoughts. Whatever Periyar thought, spoke, and wrote was against the Tamil race. He called Tamil “Saniyan”, a barbaric language. So what language did he write and speak in? In this “saniyan” language only, right? What principle is more convincing? Release all the proofs, we will show you. You only spoke about Dravidianism, you hid us, and you crushed my ancestors. This is the time for Prabhakaran’s children, no one can oppose him be it politically or based on opinion. You have no answer for any question.”

He further said, “Both Brahmins and Muslims are enemies. You are connecting me to RSS and BJP, he said Muslims are from another country! This is what the BJP and RSS are saying. We call them our race. You say Muslims and Christians are enemies, so what are you? They are people of this land. They have Tamil as their mother tongue and are indigenous to this land. Because they could not face the injustice meted out due to the caste system, they chose another religion. Do you not know that? You call the reservation given to them as wrong.”

Further, he said, “Language is the base for art, literature, culture, worship, history, science, politics – language gives everything, not just for me but the world over. Can you deny that? If there is no language, then from where will you do societal correction and such? Make all of Periyar’s writings government properties, I will give you a proof.”

Responding to a question on why he talks about Periyar, Seeman asked “What social justice did you achieve more than Vallalar Vaikuntar? I made a mistake calling him my grandfather, now he is my “petha“. As I read, I am getting clearer on who he was, as my race was massacred, I came to realize that these fellows were against me. I realized that the Dravidian was a thief in 2008/9/10. Until I met my leader in 2008, I was also a part of this gang. Only after that meeting, I realized who a Tamilian is and what is Tamil nationalism.

What has this Dravidianism achieved? Do you mean to say Singaravelar, Seevanandam, Ayodidasapandithar, Rettamalai Sreenivasan, KAP Vishwanathan, Mutamizh Kavalar, Annal Thangam, Maraimalai Adigal, Muthuramalinga Thevar, Kamarajar, Kakkan, VOC did not do anything? Only this man did?”

Scratching on the most contentious topic of his marriage with Maniammai, Seeman began, “Periyar had great wealth, he was looking for an heir to that wealth. So, at the age of 72, he got married to a 26-year-old woman. Compare this to VOC, he comes from a lineage of advocates. For an appearance, they’d earn thousands of rupees. He was a wealthy man, he sold everything and spent that money for the country’s independence, he captained a ship to keep the Indian pride high, Kappalottiya Tamizhan, he worked in the oil mill as punishment for fighting for independence and lived in penury in the later stages of life. His son did not have a job and was in dire need of one, so he wrote to Periyar for help to get a police job. That letter is framed and placed in his house, are you trying to shame me for what VOC did? Have you done better for the country than VOC, he spent his wealth for the country, but you looked for an heir to take care of your wealth. He was a fighter; you are a landlord.”

Responding to a reporter on what his party philosophy is, Seeman said, “I will eradicate all those who speak about Dravidianism. My philosophy is to cut off the roots of Dravidianism that is Periyar.”

When asked if he was “diverting” the issues regarding the Governor by speaking about Periyar, Seeman lashed out saying, “All of you speaking for Periyar, feminist Periyarists, the ones asking for proofs, did not open your mouths for what happened with the girl in Anna University. Are you conducting any protests about appointing VCs? It is us who is doing it. You are the ones diverting the issues.”

Speaking about the word “Dravidam“, he said, “Caldwell said he took the word from Manu Smriti. You are now using a Sanskrit word and saying you are opposing them?”

He further said, “That is why I want to remove Tamizh Thaai Vaazhthu which has this word. And I will replace it with Puratchi Pavalar’s poem. I will do this when I become CM”.

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The post “VOC Spent His Wealth For The Nation, Periyar Sought An Heir To Safeguard Wealth, Who Truly Served Tamils?” NTK Chief Seeman Once Again Goes Ballistic Against EVR appeared first on The Commune.

Naam Tamilar Katchi (NTK) chief Seeman has once again sharply criticized Dravidian ideologue EV Ramasamy Naicker (EVR), questioning the connection between him and social justice. Seeman mocked EVR’s controversial actions during the independence movement, challenging the rationality behind his decisions. He further criticized EVR for what he described as an anti-Tamil mindset.

This pointed criticism from Seeman comes in response to questions from reporters regarding his earlier remarks in which he had criticized actor turned politician Vijay for declaring EVR as one of his ideal leaders for the party. Speaking to reporters in Vadalur, Seeman stated, “In this world, everything is born from a language. As I speak the language, I am a Tamilian. I’ve been speaking this language for a long time. When a group of people live together, they are recognized as a race, and when that group stays in a specific area, the land boundary becomes defined as a national territory. Language provides everything — art, literature, culture, lifestyle, tradition, worship, history, and science. But if that language is saniyan, garbage, barbaric language, and asking Does your mother Tamil have horns? Did your Tamil mother fail to make you study for three thousand years? Hasn’t Tamil mother not made poets who wrote the Thirukkural, Silappatikaram, Manimekalai, Ainkurunuru, Pathittrupathu, Paripadal, and other Sangam literature to study?”

Seeman continued his critique, saying, “In what language did EVR write, who called ‘Tamil’ a Saniyan? You wrote in that very ‘Saniyan,’ didn’t you? When you despised my language and considered it to nothing, Then what kind of social change, reform, or politics there can be? The fundamentals are wrong. Tell me, isn’t that so? I possess the world’s best principles — the Thirukkural — but you called it ‘sh*t.’ Kamban, an enemy; Elango Adigal, an enemy; Valluvar, another enemy… You’ve dismissed everything of mine as rubbish. Then, who are you to talk about social change and what’s good?” Seeman went on to question, “If he (EVR) is meant to be a policy guide for the TVK, then you should say how?”

Seeman continued his harsh criticism, saying, “Is this about women’s rights? Is it a woman’s right to say that if you have desires, you can have a physical relationship with your mother, daughter, or sister and be happy? I want you to answer that. Whether liquor prohibition? You say he cut down thousands of coconut trees on his land. You call him a rationalist, right? I’m a farmer (declaring), ‘You cannot collect toddy from my farm, and that’s it.’ Is cutting down trees rationalism? A action wise person would be (say), ‘You don’t have the right to collect toddy from my land.’ Let’s put that aside as he also fought for liquor prohibition, but didn’t he say, ‘Which country in the world doesn’t have alcohol? Everyone is consuming it and telling people not to drink is like don’t sleep with married wife. Now do you agree with him here?”

Seeman, taking a direct jab at EVR and the concept of social justice, said, “Someone should clarify whether EVR truly has a connection to social justice, or whether our leader Annaimuthu is the one connected to social justice and reservation. Who fought for and secured these rights; was it Annaimuthu or EVR? Don’t speak of something and turn this into a political stage and make me angry.”

சமூக நீதிக்கும் பெரியாருக்கும் சம்பந்தம் இருக்கா? சீமான் சர்ச்சை பேச்சு.!#Cuddalore #Seeman #NTK #Vijay #NewsTamil #NewsTamil24x7 pic.twitter.com/WHj94nphLO

— News Tamil 24×7 (@NewsTamilTV24x7) January 8, 2025

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The post “You Called Tamil ‘Saniyan’ – What Social Justice Did You Achieve?” – NTK Chief Seeman Blasts EVR, Slams TVK Chief Actor-Turned-Politician Vijay For Calling Him Party’s ‘Philosophical Guide’ appeared first on The Commune.

Dravidianists – be it those in the echelons of power, in cinema or in the media – often paint Tamil Nadu as a progressive state, lauding its removal of caste-based surnames as a sign of modernity and egalitarian society. But what value does this “removal of caste surnames” have when caste remains entrenched in people’s minds?

The film Nandan starkly exposes this contradiction, but it hasn’t received the same support or visibility as propaganda films by directors like Pa. Ranjith or TJ Gnanavel. This is because Nandan challenges dominant Dravidianist political narratives, refusing to toe the line that aligns with their ideology.

At the heart of the film is Koozhpaanai, a hardworking man from a marginalized community who serves Koppulingam, a powerful Panchayat leader. Koppulingam, having won two unopposed Panchayat elections, is devastated when his seat is reserved for a Scheduled Caste candidate. Unable to run himself, he installs Koozhpaanai as a puppet candidate, expecting to retain control behind the scenes.

In the previous election, Koozhpaanai prayed to his guardian deity Nondisamy to ensure that his master Koppulingam wins without competition. This is the norm in the village – the villagers internally decide who’s their President, and only they are nominated – to win unopposed.

This is a poignant shot – not only are the downtrodden people ill-treated in this village, even their deities are ignored, dwelling within dilapidated conditions. Even the Gods are not spared of discrimination.

But Koppulingam and his bedridden father do not treat Koozhpaanai with even basic respect. He is allowed to enter only the back room to tend to the bedridden old man, but never the main house. The one time he is called in, it is for Koppulingam to prove a point to Koppu’s relatives. Koozhpanai dines with them, too naive to even understand that he’s being dehumanizingly used as an insult to Koppulingam’s relatives.

Koppu and his relatives fight amidst them to field a reserved candidate for the new Panchayat elections. Koppu fields the loyal Koozhpaanai. The two downtrodden people are unaware why they are being used as pawns in the landlord’s fight. This shot shows how they are almost treated as roosters in a c0ckfight to boost their egos.

Eventually Koozhpaanai wins – but this is only namesake. A gimmick for the world – just like dropping surnames, with no real impact on the ground. Koppulingam is felicitated in the temple asusual, as if he is the President, whereas Koozhpaanai stands outside, a helpless placeholder for the laurels after their utility is done.

A villager considers saving the President Koozhpaanai’s number in his phone itself as insulting – a modern form of untouchability. Koozhpanai is sent away with bogus reasons, and is not allowed to sit in the President’s chair which is “reserved” for Koppulingam.

The President still toils in the field, doing his master’s bidding, while his White Veshti – a symbol of his Presidentship – uselessly hangs in a tree. It is a poignant shot – that signifies democratic positions are merely ornamental and are useless in front of social power.

When Koozhpaanai’s name is finally added to the village notice board as President, he and his wife are horrified to find it smeared with cow dung—a bitter representation of how little respect he commands, even in his own office. This is the moment we learn his real name: Ambedkumar, a name that invokes the legacy of Ambedkar, yet carries no weight in the reality of village life.

For Independence Day, Ambedkumar rehearses his speech, dreaming of hoisting the flag as Panchayat President. But it’s Koppulingam who seizes the “right” to raise the flag, humiliating Ambedkumar in front of the village children, government officials, and his own son. This scene takes place behind the back of the statue of Thiruvalluvar, whose famous couplet “Pirapokum Ella Uyirkum”— often misused and overquoted by ‘progressive’ and ‘Dravidianist’ politicians. Thirukural here is as decorative and useless as Ambedkumar’s President post – because both are merely namesake, and not implemented or enforced in reality. Even though Dravidianists portray themselves as ‘progressive egalitarians’ to the outside world, their real casteist mindset is entrenched.

Another powerful scene critiques the state’s caste politics: Ambedkumar’s grandmother is refused cremation in the common ground due to caste restrictions, even in the midst of severe rain. Forced to bury her, Ambedkumar’s act symbolizes the burial of social justice itself. With social justice buried to the ground, appears the next image – “Thamizh Vaazhga” written over Govt Building. Of what use are all the praises to Tamil – when the downtrodden don’t even have rights to respectfully cremate their dead? Do Tamils consider themselves equal? Using Tamil pride to win elections, but doing next to nothing to change ground reality of Tamils – this is the sad state of Tamil Nadu politics where even basic human rights are denied to the real marginalized.

Ambedkumar’s presidency is further undermined when he’s violently beaten simply for sitting in a chair in the government office while Koppulingam stands. The film paints a grim picture of a village governed by caste, not law, where even a Panchayat President can be humiliated with impunity. When a sandal is thrown at Ambedkumar within the government office, no one intervenes—a stark commentary on the failure of law enforcement and governance.

Real-life testimonials from Panchayat Presidents of reserved constituencies drive home the film’s message: these leaders are mere figureheads, devoid of power or respect, trapped in a system that perpetuates their subjugation. The final image of the film tells it all – when powerful landlords are in, not just the downtrodden, but even their leader Ambedkar’s photo isn’t allowed inside offices. Only when real power flows down to the downtrodden, is he let in. No amount of gimmicks can change reality.

The film’s rejection by the Dravidianists stems from its unapologetic portrayal of caste dynamics. Ambedkumar, a devout man who worships Nondisamy and seeks blessings from Lord Muruga, stands in contrast to the atheistic, progressive ideals typically championed in Tamil Nadu’s political cinema. In the ‘puratchi’ movies milieu, such a hero is unacceptable and becomes untouchable. By not validating this film or giving it the attention it deserves, is a another form of untouchability by the Dravidianist castes.

Image Credits: Amazon Prime No copyright infringement intended as images are used for fair use only – criticism or review.

(This article based on the X thread by Tamil Labs 2.0)

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The post Nandhan: A Hard-Hitting Film That Exposes The Reality Of “Dravidian Model” Of Social Justice appeared first on The Commune.

In an alarming turn of events, Nandhan, a film that exposes the deep flaws within the much-touted Dravidian model of governance, is reportedly not running in a single theatre in Chennai. Directed by Era Saravanan, the movie sheds light on the harsh realities faced by marginalized (SC) communities in Tamil Nadu, revealing the disconnect between the ruling Dravidian parties’ claims of social justice and the lived experiences of the oppressed.

The film’s narrative draws from real-life incidents, detailing how Scheduled Caste (SC) members in various villages across Tamil Nadu have been systematically denied their basic rights despite holding elected positions in local governance. Nandhan portrays the struggles of Panchayat councilors from marginalized communities, who are often denied the opportunity to hoist the national flag at public government functions—an act that symbolizes not just exclusion but systemic discrimination. Through its raw depiction of caste oppression, the film courageously addresses an issue that has been long ignored by those in power.

One of the key themes Nandhan tackles is the institutional hurdles faced by SC panchayat leaders in securing fundamental civic necessities, such as cemeteries for their communities. The film recounts the story of a man who has spent three years fighting, unsuccessfully, to get approval for a cemetery in his village—a right denied to him due to the dominance of upper-caste power structures.

Moreover, Nandhan amplifies the voices of those who have faced severe physical threats, beatings, and even stabbings simply for daring to contest elections against dominant caste candidates. These incidents, heartbreakingly told by the film’s protagonists, reveal the dangerous conditions that SC leaders endure while the state government promotes a superficial narrative of social equality.

Despite Nandhan receiving a positive response from viewers during a special screening – many of whom were moved to tears by its powerful storytelling, the film has encountered heavy opposition seemingly from the ruling DMK government. Some believe this resistance is rooted in its daring critique of the Dravidian model, which has been upheld by the ruling Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam (DMK) as a beacon of social justice. The film suggests otherwise, showing how the model has failed to uplift SC communities, who still face systemic discrimination, exclusion, and violence.

Kollywood, which has seen many such themes focusing on the Brahmin-bashing alone has not voiced concerns about the suppression of Nandhan. Attempts to stifle this film’s screening raise uncomfortable questions about the nature of censorship and the power wielded by the ruling DMK in the state. Ticket booking apps like Book My Show do not show the film screening in Chennai. Critics call this move an act of “real fascism,” asserting that it is designed to silence any critique of the ruling government’s claims.

Director Era Saravanan deserves recognition for his brave attempt to tell the story of those who have been failed by the system. Through Nandhan, he exposes the ugly realities behind the Dravidian movement’s hollow promises of equality and empowerment. The film gives a voice to the disenfranchised, making it a powerful piece of political cinema that demands to be seen.

#Nandhan movie isn’t running in a single theatre in #Chennai ! Threat?

In this free country any attempt to expose the fake Dravidian Model will be scuttled.

Dear Kollywood, this is real fascism. Fight it if you have guts; don’t harp on imaginary enemies.. https://t.co/iWtLH5kP3g

— Dr.SG Suryah (@SuryahSG) September 27, 2024

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The post “Nandhan”: A Bold Exposé On Dravidian Model Of Social Justice, Film Not Screened In Chennai Theatres? appeared first on The Commune.

Madurai has emerged as the leading district in Tamil Nadu for caste-related atrocities, ranking first among the top 10 districts where such incidents are most common, according to the Police Social Justice Human Rights Division. Of the 394 villages across Tamil Nadu identified as prone to caste-based violence, 171 are located in the southern districts.

A report by the Police Social Justice Human Rights Wing, updated until March this year, highlights that 394 villages in Tamil Nadu are vulnerable to caste-related atrocities.

Madurai tops the list with 45 villages, followed by Tirunelveli with 29 villages, Trichy with 24, Thanjavur with 22, and Theni with 20. Despite holding 335 awareness meetings in the affected districts, especially in Madurai, efforts to curb caste atrocities have not been fully successful.

Karthik, a social activist from Madurai, who accessed the data through the Right to Information (RTI) Act, told reporters that last year saw more awareness meetings than in the previous three years. However, he noted that transforming these villages into socially harmonious communities remains a significant challenge.

To address this issue, Karthik suggested that the Adi Dravidian Tribal Welfare Department, the Police Social Justice Human Rights Division, and the Social Welfare Department collaborate to conduct awareness campaigns in more villages where caste atrocities are prevalent. He also recommended creating ‘role model’ villages that promote reconciliation and offering incentives to encourage peaceful coexistence in the identified 394 villages.

(With inputs from Dinamalar)

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The post Madurai Tops List For Caste-Related Atrocities In Tamil Nadu appeared first on The Commune.