A 2024 interim report by Tata Institute of Social Sciences (TISS) on illegal Bangladeshi and Rohingya immigrants in Mumbai paints an alarming picture of a city being reshaped demographically, economically, socially and politically – without mandate, accountability or a clear state response. Far from being a marginal issue, the report argues that unchecked illegal migration is altering the very character, security profile and governance structure of India’s financial capital

Demographic Engineering In Slow Motion

Mumbai has long grown on the back of migration, but the report underlines a structural shift: even as the city reaches saturation, undocumented inflows continue to pour into already choked slums and bottleneck zones. This is highlighted not as organic urbanisation but as a sustained, under‑policed movement with clear demographic consequences.

The Hindu share of Mumbai’s population is reported to have fallen from 88% in 1961 to 66% in 2011, while the Muslim population has risen from 8% to 21% over the same period.

Projections cited in the study suggest that by 2051 Hindus could drop below 54% in Mumbai, while Muslims may touch around 30%, fundamentally altering the city’s religious balance. ​

The report flags roughly 90‑plus “pockets” and bottleneck areas where illegal Bangladeshi and Rohingya migrants have concentrated in significant numbers, often in religiously homogeneous clusters. ​

Localities repeatedly named include Govandi, Mankhurd, Dharavi, Kurla, Malvani, Nalasopara, parts of Turbhe, Ambedkar Nagar, and slum belts around industrial and transport hubs, where the demographic character is said to be shifting rapidly. These clusters are seen not as isolated communities but as expanding bases, continuously replenished by fresh illegal entrants through kinship, village networks and organised routes.

​Routes, Networks And The Machinery Of Illegal Entry

The report maps illegal immigration as a deliberate, organised process, not an accidental spillover.

The India–Bangladesh border is described as porous, with crossings facilitated by human smugglers, touts, corrupt border officials and long‑standing informal trade routes.

Many migrants first enter eastern states such as West Bengal and Assam, obtain shelter and basic documentation through local facilitators, and then move on to growth centres like Mumbai and other western cities.

Interviews describe step‑by‑step journeys involving multiple hand‑offs: from village agents in Bangladesh to border operatives, then to transporters and job contractors inside India.

The report notes that some migrants circulate between Indian cities and home districts, while others remain long term, eventually “integrating” into slums as de facto residents despite having no legal right to be in the country.

This continuous pipeline, the authors warn, ensures that even sporadic crackdowns cannot meaningfully reverse the demographic or security impact unless the networks themselves are dismantled.

Labour Market Capture And The Shadow Economy

One of the most striking points made in the study is how illegal migrants have moved from the margins to the centre of Mumbai’s low‑skill labour market. ​

After Covid‑19, when many local Maharashtrian and other Indian workers returned to their native states, illegal immigrants reportedly stepped into the vacuum – in effect capturing roles such as coolies, helpers, domestic workers, vendors, ragpickers and construction labourers.

The report argues that these workers accept significantly lower wages and poorer conditions, thereby depressing wage levels across the informal sector and displacing natives from jobs they once dominated.​

Key informants link this trend directly to rising resentment among poor local communities, who see themselves competing with people who neither pay taxes nor carry the same legal burdens.​

Beyond low‑end labour, the report places illegal migrants squarely inside Mumbai’s shadow and black economy. ​

They are said to be embedded in smuggling chains (gold, arms, narcotics), illicit liquor, hawking networks, unlicensed workshops, illegal transport and the sex trade. ​

Because much of this activity is unregistered, it yields no tax revenue but fuels parallel power structures in slums and industrial pockets.

The Remittance Outflow: Money Earned in India, Parked Abroad

The report repeatedly flags remittances as a critical but under‑discussed dimension.​

In the executive findings, it is stated that about 40% of immigrants remit between ₹10,000 and ₹1,00,000 per month to their home countries.

Chapter 7 of the report on the economic activities of the illegal Bangladeshis and Rohingyas notes that nearly 84% of surveyed migrants send money back home regularly, characterising these flows as largely unrecorded and outside formal banking channels.

Despite low declared incomes, many respondents report owning land, houses, livestock or vehicles in Bangladesh or Myanmar, which the study interprets as proof that significant earnings made in Mumbai are being converted into assets abroad rather than reinvested locally.

The authors frame this as a “loss of revenue” and a silent economic drain: the city bears the cost of infrastructure, health, policing and subsidies, while a sizeable share of the surplus is exported out of India.​

Women, Sex Work And The Dark Underside of “Survival”

Gender emerges as a particularly grim axis in the report, which devotes extensive space to the condition of illegal migrant women.

The executive summary states that more than 50% of the women interviewed are involved in prostitution. Many women are described as living “dual lives”: working as domestic helpers, vendors, cleaners or casual labourers by day and as sex workers by night to support families locally and back home.

Focus group discussions and key informant interviews point to brothel‑based and street‑based sex trade in areas like Kamathipura and certain slum pockets, where Bangladeshi and Rohingya women are allegedly controlled by brokers, pimps and local criminal elements.

This not seen not only as a moral and legal crisis, but as the nucleus of a wider criminal ecosystem. Human trafficking, forced prostitution, minor girls pushed into sex work, and cross‑border rackets are repeatedly flagged. ​

These networks link illegal immigration directly to organised crime, corruption among officials, and the funding of other illegal activities including smuggling. ​

Public Services Under Siege

Another major strand in the study is the pressure on already overstretched public infrastructure.

Public healthcare: Around four‑fifths of surveyed immigrants reportedly use government hospitals, dispensaries and primary health centres despite lacking full documentation. The authors argue that this adds to congestion, long queues and overstretched staff, effectively crowding out poor Indian citizens who rely on the same facilities.

Overcrowding and disease: Slums dominated by illegal migrants are often characterised by high density, kuchha or semi‑pucca housing, narrow lanes, open drains, poor solid waste management and contaminated water sources. ​

Localities such as Govandi and Mankhurd are specifically named as examples where schools, electricity supply, and water systems are under visible strain.

The study ties these conditions to increased risk of infectious diseases, chronic illness and frequent outbreaks, making immigrant‑dense areas potential public health hotspots.

Crime, Drugs And “No‑Entry” Zones

The report is blunt in linking illegal migration to rising crime and law‑and‑order problems, especially in certain pockets. Key informant interviews speak of illegal migrants’ involvement in arms and gold smuggling, counterfeit currency, and above all, narcotics.

Particular concern is voiced about drug peddling targeting school and college students in areas like Govandi, Kurla and Malad, where cheap substances are allegedly sold by migrant-linked networks.

The report presents a schematic “vicious cycle of crime”: illegal entry → settlement in slums → recruitment by gangs and touts → involvement in black economy → localised spikes in crime, especially against women and children.

Law enforcement, the study argues, is simply not equipped to police dense, informally built, socially closed localities where residents lack documentation and can vanish or relocate quickly.

Many such areas are described as de facto “no‑entry” zones for outsiders, where local gangs and community leaders exercise more real power than the state.

The report states that this environment also makes it easier for extremist elements and radical preachers to operate, recruiting from a pool of young men with no stake in the formal system.

Radicalisation And National Security

Going beyond street‑level crime, the authors point to illegal migration as a national security problem. They note that security agencies have increased surveillance of certain pockets due to suspected links between some illegal immigrants and extremist or Islamist groups.

When we consider global examples such as Germany, France and debates with regard to Muslim migration. When placed alongside Indian cases like PFI, it is derived that demographic shifts combined with ghettoisation can fuel radicalisation.

The report warns that coastal and port‑adjacent migrant settlements in Mumbai pose special risks: they can serve as logistical hubs for cross‑border smuggling and potential terror operations targeting financial and strategic infrastructure.

In this telling, ignoring illegal migration is not just lax governance but a direct compromise of internal security and national sovereignty.

Vote‑bank Politics And Erosion Of Native Voice

A central political alarm in the report is the link between illegal migration and electoral manipulation. ​

India’s fragmented documentation system, multiple IDs such as voter card, Aadhaar, ration card, PAN, birth certificates are identified to be fertile ground for fraud. ​

The absence of a single, non‑duplicable citizenship document allows illegal immigrants, once settled, to obtain forged or “managed” papers, enter voter lists and access welfare schemes meant for citizens. ​

Key informants allege that local political actors, cutting across parties, protect these populations in exchange for loyal vote banks, especially in closely contested municipal wards and assembly segments. ​

The report argues that this has two corrosive effects. ​

First, it undermines electoral integrity, what it calls “shadow voting”, where non‑citizens influence political outcomes. ​

Second, it dilutes the political voice of original residents, including Koli communities and Marathi‑speaking natives, who find themselves numerically and politically marginalised in their own neighbourhoods. ​

The study links this to a broader cultural anxiety: Illegal immigration can possibly lead to eroding the Marathi and original Mumbaikar identity, not only through demographic change but through shifting political priorities and public symbolism.​

Governance Paralysis And Distorted Planning

Beyond politics, the presence of a large undocumented population is said to distort the basic instruments of governance.​

Census and survey data do not fully capture illegal immigrants, but their physical presence still consumes water, housing, roads, transport and welfare resources. ​

This mismatch between official numbers and actual demand leads to chronic under‑provision and misallocation, especially in slum‑heavy wards. ​

Planners struggle to design infrastructure projects – housing, sewage, transport, because the real user base is far larger and more fluid than what official data suggests. ​

The report states that this fuels a cycle where:

Overburdened systems fail → native taxpayers blame “the government” and “outsiders” → politicians tighten rhetoric but avoid hard action due to vote‑bank calculations → illegal settlements are quietly regularised or ignored → networks strengthen further. ​

Frequent relocations by immigrant families from one slum to another, from one rented room to another are also flagged as destabilising for local communities, schooling continuity and social cohesion.

Housing, Rents and Urban Chaos

Housing is another flashpoint.

The report notes that demand for ultra‑low‑cost housing from illegal immigrants intensifies pressure on slums and informal settlements, accelerating unauthorized construction and vertical expansion of already unsafe structures. ​

This, in turn, pushes up rents in lower‑income segments, making basic housing unaffordable for many poor citizens. ​

Informal settlements grown around migrant clusters disrupt urban planning, encroach on public land and infrastructure corridors, and complicate future redevelopment. ​

Public transport such as trains, buses, shared autos is also described as overwhelmed, with illegal migrants adding to already crushing peak‑hour loads. ​

Social Cohesion, Mistrust and Rising Nationalism

Socially, the report argues that illegal migration is deepening fault lines rather than healing them. ​

Many immigrant clusters are ethnically and religiously homogeneous, with limited contact with surrounding populations, leading to “us vs them” perceptions on both sides. ​

Competition for scarce jobs, rations, school seats, hospital beds and municipal services fuels resentment and periodic clashes. ​

The study notes rising nationalist sentiment and polarised debates on immigration, with frequent accusations that political parties are “selling” citizenship benefits and local resources in exchange for captive vote banks. ​

Rather than dismiss this as mere rhetoric, this can be seen as a predictable social response to sustained, unaddressed demographic and economic disruption. ​

What the Report Implicitly Demands

The report does call for strong state action given the findings.​

It mentions the NRC and broader citizenship debates as responses to the scale of illegal immigration and associated security concerns. ​

It argues that effective measures, tightened border control, efficient identification mechanisms, deportation protocols, and firm diplomatic engagement with source countries, are essential to protect national sovereignty and citizens’ rights. ​

It warns that continued inaction will further erode public trust in institutions, deepen social tensions, and leave cities like Mumbai vulnerable to crime, radicalisation and political capture.

Overall, the report documents how illegal immigration, aided by porous borders, compromised politics and ideological denial, is silently rewriting Mumbai’s demography, economy and power structures.

It invites a hard question: if this is what one city already looks like, what happens if the same patterns play out, unchecked, across India’s other urban centres?

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The post Illegal Immigration And Mumbai’s Silent Demographic Change: What A 2024 TISS Report Warns appeared first on The Commune.

The Supreme Court was informed on Thursday, 8 May 2025, that several Rohingya refugees, including women and children possessing United Nations High Commission for Refugees (UNHCR) cards, were allegedly detained late Wednesday night and deported to Myanmar—just hours before their case was due to be heard.

Senior Advocates Colin Gonsalves and Prashant Bhushan, appearing for the petitioners, raised the issue based on media reports, claiming the deportations occurred under the pretext of “paper verification” from the detention centres where the refugees were held. They contended that this act constituted a grave violation of court proceedings and existing protections.

A three-judge bench comprising Justices Surya Kant, Dipankar Datta, and N. Kotiswar Singh expressed concern but refrained from issuing a stay on deportations. The matter has been listed for final hearing on 31 July 2025.

Justice Kant emphasized that the Court would resolve the matter conclusively: “If they have a right to stay here, that should be acknowledged; and if they don’t, then the procedure for deportation must be followed as per law.”

Solicitor General Tushar Mehta, representing the Union government, referred to a Supreme Court order dated 8 April 2021, which permitted deportation of Rohingyas in accordance with legal procedure. He reiterated that India is not a signatory to the 1951 Refugee Convention and is therefore not bound by its provisions.

Bhushan, countering this, cited India’s obligations under the Genocide Convention—ratified by the country—and argued that the interim protections extended to Rohingya refugees should remain until a final verdict is delivered.

The Court, however, appeared divided on the scope of protection. Justice Datta pointed out that Rohingyas, being foreign nationals, fall under the ambit of the Foreigners Act, and cannot claim the right to reside or settle under Article 19(1)(e) of the Constitution. “The rights under Articles 14 and 21 are available to all persons, but the right not to be deported is ancillary to the right to reside, which is reserved for citizens,” he observed.

He also referenced a 2018 case involving the deportation of Rohingyas from Assam, noting that the Court had dismissed the plea, suggesting precedence for the government’s current position.

Gonsalves disagreed, stating the previous case involved migrants, not recognized refugees. He also invoked the NHRC v. State of Arunachal Pradesh judgment to stress the constitutional protection of life under Article 21, but the bench noted that decision was not binding on the current three-judge bench.

Concerns about deaths in detention centres were also raised during the hearing. However, the bench ultimately decided to rely on the 2021 order and hear the matter in full in July.

In related proceedings, the Court recently disposed of a petition seeking school admission for Rohingya refugee children in Delhi, directing that eligible children should first apply to local government schools and approach the High Court only if denied admission. Another similar petition seeking educational benefits was disposed of earlier in February, with the Court emphasizing that children’s right to education must not be denied, but only after determining the family’s legal residence status.

(With inputs from Live Law)

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The Supreme Court, on 12 February 2025, heard a plea for Rohingya illegals’ access to schools, free healthcare, and subsidised food. The Supreme Court emphasized that no child should face discrimination in education. The court asked for details on their settlements, with the NGO Rohingya Human Rights Initiative stating that “refugees” hold UNHCR cards but lack Aadhaar, barring them from essential services. They reside in Shaheen Bagh, Kalindi Kunj, and Khajuri Khas. The PIL seeks free education, healthcare, and government benefits for Rohingyas, similar to Indian citizens.

The plea is filed by Colin Gonsalves on behalf of NGO Rohingya Human Rights Initiative members who are Rohingyas living in India. Let’s take a look at who funds this “initiative.

Rohingya Human Rights Initiative (R4R) was created in 2017 as registered as a Public Charitable Trust and non-profit, non-governmental organisation. It receives funds from the Global Statelessness Fund which is a project of the Netherlands-based Institute on Statelessness and Inclusion.

All of this money is the trickle-down effect from UNHCR Soros’s Open Society Foundation, Govt of Canada’s Global Refugee Sponsorship Initiative which was announced in 2016. As soon Soros fund was announced, R4R was created in 2017.

Both the Global Statelessness Fund and the Institute on Statelessness and Inclusion get funds from Soros’s Open Society Foundation and Ford Foundation.

Ali Johar (Maung Thein Shwe) came to India in 2005. He is an advisor at R4R was a former fellow of Refugees International whose President is a former USAID employee and RI receives funding from OSF and Rockefeller Brothers Fund. He is also part of the Free Rohingya Coalition which receives funds from the Global Statelessness Fund. He lives in Delhi.

Ali Johar was given the Global Youth Peace Ambassador recognised by Rajiv Gandhi National Institute of Youth Development, Ministry of Youth Affairs & Sports, Government of India. He is currently a Fellow at Social Change Initiative which is funded by Oak Foundation, Unbound Philanthropy which has close links to Soros.

Ravi Hemadri is an advisor at R4R. He runs the Development and Justice Initiative (DAJI) whose project Right to Nationality and Citizenship Network (RNCN) campaigns in India every child born in India should get Indian citizenship irrespective of their parents’ legal status. Ravi also runs The Other Media protested against the Vedanta Sterlite plant and is under govt scanner for FCRA violations.

Development and Justice Initiative (DAJI) and the Other Media both FCRA’s are still open.

R4R advisor Dr. Maung Zarni is the co-founder of the Free Rohingya Coalition. He is a frequent guest at Hindus for Human Rights talks. He is also on the board of the Forces of Renewal of Southeast Asia (FORSEA).

Amal de Chickera another advisor at R4R is a Sri Lankan. he is also the Steering Committee member of the Global Statelessness Fund and founder of Stichting Institute on Statelessness and Inclusion.

Prashant Bhushan and Colin Gonsalves have advocated for the rights of Rohingyas in India. Gonsalves is the advocate for Zubair and Soros, the Ford Foundation, and Churches for his NGO Human Rights Law Network (HRLN).

Refugees International is pushing India to take in more Rohingyas and not deport illegals from India. RI is headed by Jeremy Konyndyk, former USAID’s lead official for COVID-19. RI teams up with The Azadi Project run by Priyali Sur, a former news anchor of CNN-IBN. She petitioned the SC seeking the release of detained Rohingyas. USAID’s Director John Gilligan said the agency was infiltrated with CIA people “the idea was to plant operatives in every kind of activity we had overseas: government, volunteer, religious, every kind”.

Here is one: Refugees International is pushing India to take in more Rohingyas, and not deport illegals from India. RI is headed by Jeremy Konyndyk, former USAID's lead official for COVID-19. RI teams up with The Azadi Project run by Priyali Sur, a former news anchor of CNN-IBN.… https://t.co/Hh9obYWeEd pic.twitter.com/Qj30W1yEeK

— Stop Hindu Hate Advocacy Network (SHHAN) (@HinduHate) February 9, 2025

Colin Gonsalves is connected to the founder of AltNews Pratik Sinha through an NGO called Human Rights Law Network (HRLN) which had a joint venture called Janhit with Jan Sangarsh Manch whose owners were the parents of Pratik Sinha.

2. There is an NGO HRNL whose founder is Colin Gonsalves.

as per the old website details of HRNL, Janhit NGO was working as their partner in Gujarat.

This Janhit was a joint venture of HRNL and Jan Sangharsh Manch whose owners were the parents of Pratik Sinha! pic.twitter.com/CsYjIq5w5n

— Vijay Patel (@vijaygajera) February 17, 2023

It is noteworthy that Gonsalves’ NGO HRLN received funds from the Open Society Foundation (Soros), Ford Foundation, Tata Trust, and many other Christian organisations and Western embassies.

3. Do you know who were donors of HRNL?
It Open Society Foundation of Soros, Ford Foundation, Tata trust, and many other Christian organizations and Western embassies! pic.twitter.com/hoorqs912e

— Vijay Patel (@vijaygajera) February 17, 2023

This article is based on an X thread by Stop Hindu Hate Advocacy Network (SHHAN)

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The post Inside the Rohingya Rights Lobby: Who’s Pulling The Strings? appeared first on The Commune.

The issue of illegal immigration has been a significant concern in India, with multiple cases involving Rohingyas coming to light in 2024.

Authorities in Maharashtra and Delhi have intensified measures against illegal Bangladeshi migrants, focusing on deportation, document verification, and school-level checks. In Delhi, a 12-hour verification drive in the outer Delhi area identified 175 suspected illegal immigrants, according to officials. This drive, initiated on 21 December 2024, is part of a broader operation directed by Lieutenant Governor VK Saxena to address unauthorized residents. Police targeted areas like Kalindi Kunj, Uttam Nagar, Shaheen Bagh, and Jamia Nagar, verifying documents in slums and unauthorised colonies. Individuals lacking valid documentation were detained for questioning, with potential deportation under the Foreigners Act.

In addition, the Municipal Corporation of Delhi (MCD) has directed schools to identify children of illegal Bangladeshi migrants and halt issuing birth certificates to such individuals.

Let’s take a look at incidents of Rohingya arrest/detention that highlight the scale of the problem, as authorities across the country acted to detain individuals entering and residing in India without proper documentation.

17 December 2024: Two Rohingya Women Sentenced

In Aligarh, Uttar Pradesh, a local court sentenced two Rohingya women, Dharulnisha Begum and Bibi Sara, to 15 months imprisonment under the Foreigners Act for illegal migration. Arrested in 2023, the duo admitted to crossing the border without valid documentation, facilitated by an agent.

13 December 2024: 39 Rohingyas Arrested In Chhattisgarh

Kawardha police arrested 39 Rohingyas during a district-wide campaign targeting illegal immigrants. The individuals found staying in rented accommodations and hotels without valid papers, now face legal proceedings.

11 December 2024: Rohingya Man Detained In Pune

Muzammil Khan, a Rohingya who had been living in Pune since 2013, was arrested for illegal residency. Authorities discovered he had fraudulently obtained Indian identification documents, including a passport and Aadhaar card.

5 December 2024: Two Rohingyas Detained In Tripura

Police in Agartala detained two Rohingya men, Rafiq Sheikh and Azim Uddin, who had crossed into India through the Sonamura region with the assistance of local brokers.

29 November 2024: Arrests In Jammu And Varanasi

In Jammu, three Rohingya women were detained for illegal entry. Reports suggest they were to be trafficked under the pretext of marriage. Separately, in Varanasi, Mohammad Abdullah, a suspected gang member involved in facilitating Rohingya infiltration, was arrested. Authorities recovered identification documents and a UNHCR card from him.

15 November 2024: Two Rohingyas Caught In Tripura

The Border Security Force (BSF) detained two Rohingyas at a bus stand in Karbuk, Tripura, for entering India without legal documents.

16 August 2024: Three Rohingyas Arrested In Agartala

The Government Railway Police (GRP) detained three Rohingyas, including two women, at Agartala Railway Station. The individuals had entered India via Bangladesh and lacked valid papers.

5 July 2024: Seven Rohingyas Detained In Tripura

In Churebari, Tripura, authorities arrested seven Rohingya nationals, including two newborns, who had entered India through brokers operating along the India-Bangladesh border.

8 June 2024: Two Rohingyas Detained In Tripura

Khowai police apprehended two Rohingyas, including a woman, attempting to cross the border illegally.

23 April 2024: Five Arrested In Unakoti

Police in Unakoti district detained five Rohingyas, including two minors, who had entered India through the Magurili border area in Bangladesh.

2 April 2024: Arrest In Kanpur

Four Rohingyas, including three women, were arrested in Kanpur with fake Aadhaar cards and Indian SIM cards. The Anti-Terrorism Squad (ATS) recovered forged documents during the operation.

1 March 2024: Eight Detained In Mumbai

Mumbai police, in collaboration with the Anti-Terrorism Cell, arrested eight Rohingya nationals from Uttan’s coastal area. Fake documents were also recovered.

6 February 2024: 24 Rohingyas Arrested In Assam

The National Investigation Agency (NIA) detained 24 Rohingyas in Guwahati for involvement in human trafficking and illegal entry into India.

1 February 2024: Sentencing for Trafficking And Rape

A Haryana court sentenced three Rohingya men—Mohammed Ayas, Hafiz Ahmed, and Mohammed Yunus—to 10 years in prison for trafficking and raping two Rohingya women in Nuh in 2021.

26 January 2024: Ammunition Recovered In Nuh

Saddam Hussain, a Rohingya residing illegally in Nuh, Haryana, was arrested with ammunition and forged Aadhaar and PAN cards.

10 January 2024: Rohingya Arrested In Kolkata

A Rohingya man was detained at Sealdah Railway Station in Kolkata. He had reportedly entered India in 2017 via Bongaon and lacked valid documents.

While many Rohingyas claim to flee persecution in Myanmar, the lack of documentation and allegations of criminal activities have heightened concerns over their presence in India.

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The post 18 Incidents Of Illegal Rohingyas Arrested In India In 2024 appeared first on The Commune.

The Uttar Pradesh Anti-Terror Squad (ATS) has arrested gangster Noor Islam and three other people including those who were trying to illegally smuggle one man and two women to Delhi.
 
According to the UP police, all Islam and his accomplices were nabbed at Ghaziabad which is just outside the capital while they were travelling by train going to Delhi with Bangladeshi Rohingya Muslim refugees.

The train was stopped at Ghaziabad and when the police asked questions it was found out that a person, related to those three people, was already waiting for the illegal transfer of the man and two women at the station.

Noor Islam is a Bangladeshi national and operates from the Tripura border and illegally smuggles people and sends them to different parts of India.
 
“Gangster Noor Islam said that one of his partners is going to receive them at Delhi station and our team apprehended that person also. We have taken total of six people in our custody till now upon questioning it has been revealed that two women who seem minor and one man were getting smuggled. Three accused are said to be the culprits and have been taken into custody and a case has been filed under relevant sections,” added the police chief.

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A 14-year-old Rohingya girl who was taken to the international border between India and Myanmar, which is situated in Manipur, by the Assam government officials for deportation was refused for immigration by the Myanmar government.

This girl had been found in Silchar’s Rongpur in an unconscious state two years ago, following which she was handed to a shelter. The Assam officials had then moved for her to be deported back to Myanmar. After the centre had cleared her deportation on Friday, officials from the Assam government took the 14-year old from Silchar to Moreh in Manipal.

But, the Myanmar government refused to take her back since the check gate in the international border was shut in 2020 due to the COVID-19 pandemic. In addition to this, the Myanmar police had said that their country was not a conducive state to accept those who had been deported.

Following this, the girl was sent back to a shelter home in Assam. Efforts are being taken to repatriate the girl amidst the ongoing crisis posed by the coronavirus pandemic. Meanwhile, Assam is all set to face elections in the upcoming week.

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On 26 December, the Government Railway Police (GRP) took into custody 4 Rohingyas, including one woman, at Badarpur Railway Station, Dainik Jugasankha reports in its Silchar edition. They were caught by the GRP on Saturday morning when they were deboarding from Rajdhani Express at Badarpur Station. They were later arrested and taken into Badarpur GRP Police station by the authorities. After interrogation, they revealed to the police that they had travelled from Jammu to Delhi and then taken the Rajdhani Express to Badarpur Station from Delhi. Their final destination was Hailakandi.

The four who were arrested by the GRP are Mohammad Zubair (28), Rubban (21) from Myanmar’s Arakan region, Ilias(28) from Dhankali region and Mohammad Hussain (22) from the Itaf Region. Sources have said that the police, after arresting them, has taken them to Sri Gouri Government Hospital for a medical checkup. Badarpur GRP police station’s ASI Mujibur Rahman handed them over to a court in Karimganj on Saturday Evening.

Visible panic was seen at the Badarpur Railway Station after the incident.

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In a major operation, Indian intelligence agencies have intercepted the plans of a Malaysia-based Rohingya terror group having links to radical Islamist preacher Zakir Naik to attack several important places in India. Financial transactions to the tune of $2 lakh dollars (nearly ₹1.5 crore) have been unearthed which have been traced to Islamist preacher Zakir Naik and the Malaysia-based Rohingya terror group leader Mohammed Naseer.

A Chennai-based man, suspected to be a hawala dealer, had received a part of the sum.

The terror attack in different Indian cities were to be led by a Rohingya woman group which has been trained in Myanmar.

The likely targets of the group could be Ayodhya were the Ram Mandir is being built, Bodhgaya, Punjab and Srinagar.

A security alert has been issued in Delhi, Haryana, Uttar Pradesh, Bihar and West Bengal to step up surveillance. At present, the farmer protests in the National Capital is being seen as a potential target to incite divide and reinvigorate the Khalistan movement.

The intelligence analysis suggests that the group was likely to infiltrate into India in the middle or end of December through Bangladesh which is a very difficult place for the border security to keep an eye as it has several ingress and egress.

Also, in a very important development, the intelligence believes that few conduits of the Popular Front of India (PFI) could extend logistics support to the group like safe houses and travel.

Zakir Naik is an Indian citizen who is now living in Malaysia. He is a rabid Islamist preacher who believes in the religious supremacy of Islam in India.

“It is spreading like a disease, the militant Islamism perpetrated by Rohingyas… The earlier we get rid of this, the better it is”, Wing Commander P Baksi was quoted saying in a report by OpIndia.

The post Intel busts plans to attack India by Malaysia-based Rohingya terror group linked to radical Islamist preacher Zakir Naik appeared first on The Commune.

News has emerged that Muslims from Afghanistan and the Rohingyas are trying to take advantage and avail the benefits of the Citizenship Amendment Act (CAA) by opting to convert to Christianity, the Economic Times reported.

Security agencies have alerted the government of this new development. 25 cases of Muslims from Afghanistan converting to Christianity in order to take advantage of CAA have been flagged by the agencies.

Rohingya Muslims from Myanmar are also claiming their country of origin to be Bangladesh and converting to Christianity to avail the CAA provision.

Officials said the CAA can be exploited by those who are either rejected for asylum by UNHCR or are refugee Muslims who came to India before the cut-off date, the Economic Times reported.

The CAA which became law on January 10, 2020, gives Indian Citizenship to the persecuted religious minorities belonging to six non-Muslim communities, namely Hindus, Sikhs, Buddhists, Jains, Parsis and Christians from Afghanistan, Bangladesh and Pakistan.

Religious minorities in Islamic states of Pakistan, Afghanistan and Bangladesh face persecution on a daily basis owing to their religion. Houses are attacked, girls are abducted and forcibly converted and then married off to Muslim men.

Recently the Haqqani network which acts as a paramilitary Islamists force for the Pakistani army attacked Sikhs in Kabul and 25 people lost there lives.

Also, as the CAA is only applicable for persecuted minorities from Pakistan, Bangladesh and Afghanistan.

According to the chief of an Afghan church in Delhi, Adib Ahmed Maxwell, the number of Afghan Muslims willing to convert to Christianity following the passage of the Citizenship Amendment Act (CAA) has increased. Also, there is a looming threat of the Taliban taking over Afganistan in the future as the Americans have signed a peace deal with them ending nearly two-decade military presence.

Maxwell himself is said to have come to India at the age of 21. His parents follow Sunni Islam and live near Kabul in Afghanistan. “Most Afghans apply for asylum under the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR),” he said.

It is said that many of them are converting to Christianity as it makes their migration to Canada and other European countries easier.

Like Maxwell, Afghan pastors have welcomed the CAA but feel that the government should have some safeguards to keep a check on those converting to Christianity from Islam.

As per data, around 1.5 to 1.6 lakh Afghan Muslims currently reside in the Delhi NCR region and roughly 40,000 Rohingya Muslims all over India and also in parts of Jammu.

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