C.P. Radhakrishnan, the Governor of Maharashtra and a senior BJP leader, has been elected as the 15th Vice-President of India. Representing the NDA, he defeated I.N.D.I bloc candidate and retired Supreme Court judge B. Sudershan Reddy by a margin of 152 votes.

While this marks a historic and proud achievement for Tamil Nadu with a native Tamil ascending to one of the highest constitutional offices in the country the ruling DMK chose not to support him. The party, which frequently accuses the central government of undermining Tamil identity, claimed that ideological commitment mattered more than linguistic or regional pride in this instance.

DMK spokesperson T.K.S. Elangovan made it clear, “We will give preference only to ideology. We cannot support Radhakrishnan merely because he is Tamil. What matters are his ideologies.”

DMK’s History Of Voting Against Tamilians To Highest Offices

This is not the first instance of DMK dismissing the “Tamilian” factor when it doesn’t suit their political agenda. Let’s take a look at the inglorious history of the DMK which claims it stands for Tamils, while voting against Tamilians becoming President, Vice President or Prime Minister.

When Karunanidhi Questioned R. Venkatraman’s Credentials

History offers a parallel in 1987, during the Presidential election, when R. Venkataraman, a distinguished Tamil leader, was nominated. Back then, AIADMK founder and Chief Minister M.G. Ramachandran (MGR) pointedly remarked that “not supporting a Tamilian is their stand” in reference to DMK’s reluctance. DMK patriarch M. Karunanidhi responded by downplaying Tamil identity, stating that “it is important to see what he has done for Tamil people rather than whether he is Tamil.”

Ironically, R. Venkataraman’s record showed remarkable contributions to Tamil Nadu. A freedom fighter who played a role in the Quit India Movement, he went on to spearhead the state’s industrialisation. As Industries Minister in 1957, he established industrial estates such as Guindy, brought in major national investments, and was instrumental in the founding of the Integral Coach Factory (ICF) and Neyveli Lignite Corporation (NLC). Under his leadership, automobile giants like Ashok Leyland and Hindustan Motors set up base in Tamil Nadu laying the foundation for the state’s emergence as India’s automobile hub. To question “what he has done for Tamil Nadu” is either historical ignorance or deliberate distortion.

R. Venkataraman was not only a freedom fighter who actively participated in the Quit India Movement, but also a visionary statesman who transformed Tamil Nadu’s industrial landscape.

As the Industries Minister of Tamil Nadu in 1957, he was instrumental in setting up industrial… https://t.co/PnntTMUBKC

— 𑀓𑀺𑀭𑀼𑀱𑁆𑀡𑀷𑁆  (@tskrishnan) August 20, 2025

When Karunanidhi Abused Abdul Kalam When He was Chosen in 2012

When the NDA proposed Dr A.P.J. Abdul Kalam as its candidate for the 2012 Presidential election, the DMK then an ally of the UPA dismissed the idea and reaffirmed its backing for the Congress nominee. Party chief M. Karunanidhi even mocked the suggestion, remarking, “Kalam in Tamil also means chaos (Kalagam). Anyhow, chaos has broken out in the Presidential election.”

Despite the buzz created by TMC leader Mamata Banerjee’s push for Kalam, Karunanidhi made it clear that the DMK would stand by its earlier commitment. “We are firm on what we had said. Defence Minister A K Antony who is said to be a honest man met me (last month) on behalf of Congress. I had extended my support to the message he had brought from (Congress chief) Sonia Gandhi,” he said, stressing that the party’s stance remained unchanged.

He explained that Defence Minister A.K. Antony, whom he described as an honest man, had visited him on behalf of the Congress a month earlier. During that meeting, Antony conveyed a message from Congress president Sonia Gandhi, and Karunanidhi confirmed that the DMK had pledged support to the Congress candidate at that time. Asked whether the Presidential election outcome would influence the next Lok Sabha polls, Karunanidhi declined to speculate.

Tale Of Betrayal Shunning GK Moopanar’s Chance to become PM

Perhaps the most revealing episode was in 1996–1997, when G.K. Moopanar a respected Tamil leader and founder of the Tamil Maanila Congress was a potential Prime Ministerial candidate after the fall of Atal Bihari Vajpayee’s short-lived government.

During key meetings of the United Front in Delhi, Karunanidhi expressed lukewarm support for Moopanar, even as other leaders debated options. Though Karunanidhi later claimed he had canvassed for Moopanar, many insiders suggest his efforts were half-hearted. TMC leaders at the time felt that Karunanidhi was unwilling to allow another Tamil, especially a political peer, to surpass him at the national level. Eventually, the United Front chose H.D. Deve Gowda, a relatively unknown leader from Karnataka, followed by I.K. Gujral neither of whom had deep ties to Tamil Nadu. Moopanar’s name faded from contention, and speculation remains that Karunanidhi’s ambivalence played a key role.

The 1996 general elections delivered a hung verdict. The BJP emerged as the single largest party and formed a short-lived government under Atal Bihari Vajpayee, which collapsed within 13 days. The anti-BJP parties, including the Janata Dal, Left Front, DMK, TMC, and others, rallied under the banner of the United Front, with the Congress offering outside support.

This created a window of opportunity for a non-Congress, non-BJP Prime Minister. Within this coalition, several names were floated— Mamata Banerjee briefly suggested Jyoti Basu, but the CPI(M)’s politburo vetoed it. Ultimately, H.D. Deve Gowda, then Karnataka Chief Minister, was chosen a relatively obscure leader at the national level.

Overlooking Moopanar’s Candidacy For PM

Despite his acceptability across parties, Moopanar’s candidacy never fully materialized. Though there were murmurs of support, including from CPI’s Indrajit Gupta and leaders in the Congress, the push lacked momentum. Multiple political analysts and insiders have pointed to DMK chief M. Karunanidhi’s ambivalence as a key factor.

Karunanidhi, while publicly claiming he would be “the happiest man” if Moopanar became PM, never used his political capital to aggressively advocate for Moopanar in the way he could have. Instead, he stayed passive in crucial meetings, allowing Deve Gowda’s candidacy to take shape.

Later, in 1997, when Deve Gowda’s government collapsed and the search for a new PM resumed, Moopanar’s name again came up. Yet once again, Karunanidhi’s support appeared half-hearted. He claimed to have lobbied other leaders like Lalu Prasad Yadav and Harkishan Singh Surjeet, but by then, the momentum had shifted to I.K. Gujral. TMC insiders and observers later remarked that Karunanidhi possibly feared being overshadowed by another Tamil leader on the national stage.

Several reasons have been attributed to the lack of serious backing for Moopanar and one among that was Karunanidhi’s political insecurities. Many in the TMC felt Karunanidhi was unwilling to be in a position where he would have to politically defer to a fellow Tamil, especially someone who could eclipse him on the national stage.

There was also speculation that Karunanidhi preferred a weak, consensus candidate like Gujral, who would allow the DMK greater influence in decision-making at the centre. By contrast, a strong Tamil leader like Moopanar could have changed the DMK-TMC power balance in Tamil Nadu and at the national level. TMC leaders like P. Chidambaram later implied that if Karunanidhi and Chandrababu Naidu had come together to endorse Moopanar, he could have been PM. But the opportunity was lost twice and the DMK’s lack of enthusiasm was seen as a contributing factor.

G.K. Moopanar’s story remains one of Indian politics’ great “what ifs.” He was a Tamil leader with a clean image, wide acceptability, and genuine statesmanlike qualities. Yet, when the moment arrived, he was either too reluctant or was let down by those who could have championed his cause, particularly Karunanidhi.

This episode is yet another example where DMK’s commitment to “Tamil pride” failed to translate into political support for capable Tamil leaders at the national level, especially when party interests or alliances were at stake.

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The post From Venkataraman To Abdul Kalam And Moopanar: How DMK Opposed Tamils In Power appeared first on The Commune.

The DMK has once again taken a U-turn, now insisting that ideology should take precedence over linguistic or regional identity, a position that directly contradicts its earlier stance where it frequently invoked Tamil pride as a decisive factor in politics.

This position was highlighted in a bid to support the NDA’s Vice-Presidential nominee, C.P. Radhakrishnan, despite his Tamil background. DMK spokesperson T.K.S. Elangovan reiterated that the party does not extend support merely because a candidate happens to be Tamil, stressing that political beliefs and policy positions matter far more than ethnicity.

This is not the first instance of DMK dismissing the “Tamilian” factor when it doesn’t suit their political agenda. History offers a parallel in 1987, during the Presidential election, when R. Venkataraman, a distinguished Tamil leader, was nominated. Back then, AIADMK founder and Chief Minister M.G. Ramachandran (MGR) pointedly remarked that “not supporting a Tamilian is their stand” in reference to DMK’s reluctance. DMK patriarch M. Karunanidhi responded by downplaying Tamil identity, stating that “it is important to see what he has done for Tamil people rather than whether he is Tamil.”

MGR, however, had his own reasons for backing Venkataraman, viewing him as not only a Tamil but also a statesman with significant contributions to both the state and the nation.

Who is R. Venkataraman?

Ramaswamy Venkataraman, born in Rajamadam village of Thanjavur district, began his career as a lawyer at the Madras High Court and later at the Supreme Court of India. He was an active participant in the independence struggle, including the Quit India Movement, and later served as a member of the Constituent Assembly and the provisional government. His political career spanned both state and national levels. In Tamil Nadu, he worked under Chief Ministers K. Kamaraj and M. Bhaktavatsalam, handling portfolios like Industries, Labour, and Transport. At the national level, he was elected to the Lok Sabha four times and held key positions such as Union Finance Minister, Defence Minister, Vice President, and eventually the President of India between 1987 and 1992.

Venkataraman is often remembered as the architect of Tamil Nadu’s industrial growth. As Industries Minister in the 1950s and 60s, he spearheaded the establishment of the state’s first industrial estates at Guindy and was instrumental in attracting major public sector undertakings such as the Integral Coach Factory, Neyveli Lignite Corporation, and the Heavy Vehicles Factory. He also encouraged private sector investment, paving the way for companies like Ashok Leyland, Hindustan Motors, TVS Group, and Enfield to set up operations in Tamil Nadu. These initiatives earned him recognition as the father of the state’s industrialization.

At the Centre, his contributions were equally significant. As Finance Minister in the early 1980s, he introduced reforms that promoted economic growth and savings while negotiating a major loan package with the International Monetary Fund. He also oversaw the creation of the National Bank for Agriculture and Rural Development (NABARD). Later, as Defence Minister, he prioritized modernization of India’s armed forces, encouraging diversification of equipment sources and laying the foundation for the Integrated Guided Missile Development Programme, which would eventually produce indigenous systems like Prithvi and Agni. His election as Vice President in 1984 and his role in ensuring stability after the assassination of Indira Gandhi demonstrated his ability to act as a steadying influence during uncertain times. As President of India from 1987 to 1992, he worked with four different prime ministers Rajiv Gandhi, V.P. Singh, Chandra Shekhar, and P.V. Narasimha Rao during the dawn of coalition politics, navigating a turbulent phase in Indian democracy.

Venkataraman’s career stands as a reminder that leadership cannot be reduced to questions of identity alone. While he was undeniably a proud Tamilian, his life’s work reflected a vision that placed nation-building and institutional development above narrow politics. For Karunanidhi, this reinforced the argument that ideology and public service mattered more than linguistic pride. For MGR, supporting Venkataraman was a recognition of his stature as a statesman. Both positions, though opposed politically, underlined the fact that Venkataraman’s contribution transcended the limits of Tamil identity and became part of India’s national legacy.

R. Venkataraman was not only a freedom fighter who actively participated in the Quit India Movement, but also a visionary statesman who transformed Tamil Nadu’s industrial landscape.

As the Industries Minister of Tamil Nadu in 1957, he was instrumental in setting up industrial… https://t.co/PnntTMUBKC

— 𑀓𑀺𑀭𑀼𑀱𑁆𑀡𑀷𑁆 (@tskrishnan) August 20, 2025

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The post When MGR Backed Tamilian R Venkataraman For Vice President But Karunanidhi Asked What Has He Done For Tamil Nadu appeared first on The Commune.

The DMK, which talks big of “Tamil pride” and accuses the Union government of undermining the language through the promotion of Hindi, has once again taken a clean U-turn. When it came to supporting NDA’s Vice-Presidential candidate C.P. Radhakrishnan, a Tamil by birth, the party refused, claiming ideology must prevail over linguistic identity. DMK spokesperson T.K.S. Elangovan stated, “We will give preference only to ideology. We cannot support Radhakrishnan merely because he is Tamil. What matters are his ideologies.”

DMK’s History Of Voting Against Tamilians To Highest Offices

This is not the first instance of DMK dismissing the “Tamilian” factor when it doesn’t suit their political agenda. Let’s take a look at the inglorious history of the DMK which claims it stands for Tamils, while voting against Tamilians becoming President or Vice President.

When Karunanidhi Questioned R. Venkatraman’s Credentials

History offers a parallel in 1987, during the Presidential election, when R. Venkataraman, a distinguished Tamil leader, was nominated. Back then, AIADMK founder and Chief Minister M.G. Ramachandran (MGR) pointedly remarked that “not supporting a Tamilian is their stand” in reference to DMK’s reluctance. DMK patriarch M. Karunanidhi responded by downplaying Tamil identity, stating that “it is important to see what he has done for Tamil people rather than whether he is Tamil.”

Ironically, R. Venkataraman’s record showed remarkable contributions to Tamil Nadu. A freedom fighter who played a role in the Quit India Movement, he went on to spearhead the state’s industrialisation. As Industries Minister in 1957, he established industrial estates such as Guindy, brought in major national investments, and was instrumental in the founding of the Integral Coach Factory (ICF) and Neyveli Lignite Corporation (NLC). Under his leadership, automobile giants like Ashok Leyland and Hindustan Motors set up base in Tamil Nadu laying the foundation for the state’s emergence as India’s automobile hub. To question “what he has done for Tamil Nadu” is either historical ignorance or deliberate distortion.

R. Venkataraman was not only a freedom fighter who actively participated in the Quit India Movement, but also a visionary statesman who transformed Tamil Nadu’s industrial landscape.

As the Industries Minister of Tamil Nadu in 1957, he was instrumental in setting up industrial… https://t.co/PnntTMUBKC

— 𑀓𑀺𑀭𑀼𑀱𑁆𑀡𑀷𑁆 (@tskrishnan) August 20, 2025

When Karunanidhi Abused Abdul Kalam When He was Chosen in 2012

When the NDA proposed Dr A.P.J. Abdul Kalam as its candidate for the 2012 Presidential election, the DMK then an ally of the UPA dismissed the idea and reaffirmed its backing for the Congress nominee. Party chief M. Karunanidhi even mocked the suggestion, remarking, “Kalam in Tamil also means chaos (Kalagam). Anyhow, chaos has broken out in the Presidential election.”

Despite the buzz created by TMC leader Mamata Banerjee’s push for Kalam, Karunanidhi made it clear that the DMK would stand by its earlier commitment. “We are firm on what we had said. Defence Minister A K Antony who is said to be a honest man met me (last month) on behalf of Congress. I had extended my support to the message he had brought from (Congress chief) Sonia Gandhi,” he said, stressing that the party’s stance remained unchanged.

He explained that Defence Minister A.K. Antony, whom he described as an honest man, had visited him on behalf of the Congress a month earlier. During that meeting, Antony conveyed a message from Congress president Sonia Gandhi, and Karunanidhi confirmed that the DMK had pledged support to the Congress candidate at that time. Asked whether the Presidential election outcome would influence the next Lok Sabha polls, Karunanidhi declined to speculate.

Thus, the DMK’s approach is consistent: when it suits their narrative, “Tamil” is placed above everything else; but when it does not, the identity card is quietly shelved. It remains a textbook example of selective rhetoric.

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The post Be It Abdul Kalam Or R. Venkatraman, DMK Has A History Of Insulting And Voting Against Tamilians Becoming President/Vice President appeared first on The Commune.