Tamil Nadu Chief Minister MK Stalin announced a series of welfare measures targeted at the Muslim community, including the establishment of a third Waqf Tribunal in Coimbatore and an increase in pensions for Ulemas registered with the Tamil Nadu Waqf Board.

As a government that opposes three-language policy of the central government, the DMK has promised to appoint Urdu teachers if they come to power. It is noteworthy that teachers are protesting across the state demanding permanent jobs and equal wages for equal work.

This promise reeks of minority appeasement by the DMK.

மும்மொழி திட்டத்திற்கு எதிர்ப்பு, உருது ஆசிரியர் பணியிடங்களை நிரப்பு – இதுதான் டுபாக்கூர் மாடல்.

உருது மட்டும் வட மொழி இல்லையா? என்ன பித்தலாட்டம் இது? pic.twitter.com/vtrBj1Bkgv

— Krishna Kumar Murugan (@ikkmurugan) January 28, 2026

Addressing the State Mahalla Jamaats Conference organised by the Indian Union Muslim League (IUML) near Kumbakonam, Stalin said the monthly pension for registered Ulemas would be raised from ₹3,000 to ₹5,000, while the family pension would be increased from ₹1,500 to ₹2,500. The conference saw participation from office-bearers of around 8,000 Jamaats across Tamil Nadu.

The Chief Minister further announced that, in the first phase, 1,000 Ulemas would receive an enhanced subsidy of ₹50,000 for the purchase of two-wheelers. Other announcements included the creation of Kabaristans in city corporation areas where burial grounds are currently unavailable and the filling of 10 vacant Urdu language teacher posts in government high schools and higher secondary schools.

Using the platform to sharpen his political messaging ahead of the Assembly elections, Stalin asserted that only the DMK-led Secular Progressive Alliance had the strength to defeat what he described as the “anti-people” All India Anna Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam–Bharatiya Janata Party alliance.

“The only state in the country which is safe for Muslims is Tamil Nadu. The DMK has been protecting minorities and hence incidents like mob lynching could not rear its head here,” Stalin claimed.

He alleged that attempts to disturb communal harmony in the state had failed, and accused opposition parties of forming alliances “in their own interest” by remaining “servile” through threats involving central agencies such as the Enforcement Directorate, CBI and Income Tax Department.

Referring to the Citizenship Amendment Act (CAA), Stalin accused AIADMK general secretary Edappadi K. Palaniswami of betraying Muslims by supporting the legislation. “But for AIADMK’s support, the CAA would have been defeated in the Rajya Sabha,” he said, reiterating that the DMK government had declared that the CAA would not be implemented in Tamil Nadu.

Stalin also recalled the DMK’s opposition to the Triple Talaq Bill and the Waqf Amendment Bill, warning that if the BJP-led alliance were to come to power in the state, it would “ruin the developed state.” He claimed that only the DMK alliance had the “courage and strength” to prevent such an outcome.

Pointing out that the DMK cadre had begun door-to-door election campaigns, Stalin urged IUML workers, particularly women and youth, to actively campaign for candidates who would “protect and enable their growth.”

Presiding over the conference, IUML president KM Kader Mohideen said his party and Mahalla Jamaat members would work to ensure the continuation of what he described as the Dravidian Model government.

Meanwhile, addressing a separate gathering in Tiruchirappalli, Stalin announced that the DMK would hold a massive public conference in the district on 8 March 2026, stating that around 10 lakh people were expected to participate.

Source: The New Indian Express

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The post Dravidian Model: MK Stalin Opposes Three-Language Policy But Pushes Urdu Language Teachers Appointments To Appease Minority appeared first on The Commune.

A newly formed political group seeking to influence Rome’s 2027 municipal elections has triggered widespread controversy after endorsing the inclusion of Arabic in the curriculum of a public high school in the Italian capital, drawing allegations of ideological Islamisation and raising questions over the silence of Catholic leadership.

The group, Muslims for Rome 2027 (MuRo2027), was founded in November by Francesco Tieri, a left-wing activist who later converted to Islam. The organisation has publicly stated that it aims to mobilise Muslim voters in Rome and shape local politics in line with what it describes as its religious identity.

In its founding statement, MuRo2027 said it was inspired by the electoral success of Zohran Mamdani in the United States and claimed that his victory demonstrated the growing political relevance of Muslim communities. Tieri stated that Muslims should no longer be treated as “political objects” but as active political subjects, and that the group intended to advance proposals aligned with its religious affiliation ahead of the Rome local elections.

The group attracted immediate attention after posting an image on Instagram depicting Rome’s Colosseum topped with an Islamic crescent, imagery that critics described as a symbolic assertion of Islamic dominance over Italian civilisation. Jewish and conservative publications warned that the visual messaging appeared to go beyond civic participation and veered into ideological provocation.

Arabic in Roman Schools Sparks Political Row

The controversy intensified on 14 January 2026 when MuRo2027 promoted the decision of the Eugenio Montale Linguistic High School in Rome to introduce Arabic as a third language option, alongside Chinese, French and German. The group publicly defended the move, stating that Arabic was spoken by tens of thousands of residents in Rome and that offering the language reflected inclusive public education.

In its statement, MuRo2027 criticised those opposing the move, arguing that even private Catholic schools offered Arabic and framing opposition as driven by hostility toward foreign-origin communities. The school itself stated that its language offerings were intended to promote engagement with other cultures.

The endorsement drew a strong response from Rossano Sasso, a Member of Parliament from the Lega party, who said he would raise the issue in Parliament. Sasso stated that if an Islamic political group was influencing curriculum choices in public schools, it could represent what he described as creeping Islamisation of Italian society.

Experts Warn of Ideological Drift

Security and counter-terrorism analyst Giovanni Giacalone said Islamist groups appeared to be organising politically to support the left in upcoming elections. He stated that the political left was seeking the Muslim vote and that Islamist networks were becoming increasingly aggressive in political mobilisation and street activism.

Analysts and commentators also cited past warnings by Daniel Pipes, who has argued that Arabic language programmes in public education, particularly when influenced by external organisations, have in other countries served as vehicles for ideological indoctrination rather than neutral language instruction.

Catholic Silence Draws Attention

Amid the growing controversy, the Catholic Church’s leadership in Italy has remained notably silent. No statement has been issued by senior Catholic authorities in Rome or the Vatican addressing the political messaging, symbolism, or the broader implications of a religiously driven political movement asserting itself in the capital of Catholicism.

Italian Jewish publication Bet Magazine Mosaico observed that the slogan “Let’s take Rome” no longer appeared merely rhetorical, warning that the imagery and rhetoric used by MuRo2027 conveyed a clear ideological message. Journalists and analysts noted that the group declined to participate in national television debates while dismissing public scrutiny as excessive.

Calabrian journalist Vincenzo Campanella stated that the Colosseum image represented a symbolic appropriation of one of Italy’s most iconic monuments and conveyed the assertion of Islamic symbols over national heritage.

Political and Security Concerns

Author and publisher Francesco Giubilei said Islamist political movements in Italy appeared to be seeking to replicate models seen in Northern Europe and France, driven by demographic changes. He warned that such movements sought to marginalise Christian symbols, normalise Sharia-influenced politics, and erode Western cultural foundations.

Former Monfalcone mayor and current MEP Anna Maria Cisint stated that MuRo2027 promoted an ideological vision that aspired to replace constitutional principles with Islamic law, posing a direct threat to freedoms, particularly those of women. Fratelli d’Italia MP Federico Mollicone said the group appeared inspired by Islamic law and argued that Quranic injunctions were incompatible with Italian legal principles.

Further scrutiny followed after MuRo2027 issued a statement criticising the arrest of Hamas operative Mohammad Hannoun by Italian police. Italian media reported that Tieri had links to Rome’s Al-Huda Mosque, which has been associated with pro-Hamas clerics.

MuRo2027 Responds

Responding to criticism, Tieri stated that public expressions of religious identity were consistent with Italian secularism and argued that Italy had historically been governed by parties inspired by Catholic values. He claimed that MuRo2027 was not a Muslim lobby but a civic movement seeking to contribute to local politics and the common good and said Muslims’ rights were not fully protected in Italy.

Despite these assurances, critics argue that the group’s rhetoric, symbolism, and political positioning point to a deeper ideological project. As MuRo2027 continues to gain visibility ahead of the Rome elections, observers note that while political and security experts have raised alarms, Catholic leadership has yet to publicly respond.

Source: MeForum

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The post Muslim Political Party In Rome Promotes Arabic In School Curriculum, Catholic Leadership Silent appeared first on The Commune.

AR Rahman, the ‘celebrated music composer’, an Oscar winner, has been in the news for all the wrong reasons for the past couple of years.

The disastrous Marakkuma Nenjam concert, the rumours of divorce with his wife, playing second fiddle to the Dravidianist regime in Tamil Nadu – these are the news that Rahman was associated with in the recent past.

Unable to command attention through music anymore, he has now resurfaced via a long-winded interview with BBC Asian Network, to peddle Muslim victimhood in India narrative. Across nearly 90 minutes, Rahman abandons introspection in favour of insinuation, repeatedly hinting at bias, “communal” forces, and power shifts – all while carefully avoiding specifics.

What emerges is not a misunderstood genius, but a man desperate to stay relevant, playing the familiar victim card and wrapping professional stagnation in ideological and identity politics language. The interview does not revive Rahman’s legacy; it only exposes how far he has drifted from the music that once spoke for itself.

Less Work Because ‘Communal Environment’

AR Rahman claims less work is coming his way for the past 8 years. He says, “You know people who are not creative have the power now to decide things and this might have been a communal thing also but not in my face but I’ve hear you know like Chinese whispers that this happened and they they booked you and the other company the music company went and funded the movie and got their five composers and I said ‘Oh that’s great! Rest for me I can chill out with my family.'”

He also said, “Any person who has realized religion will never talk about divisive stuff because I think beyond religion is where the real truth is, right, these are just parts where those who are near the destination will never argue and they would find it foolish to even try anything negative.”

Chhaava – A Divisive Film

The interviewer asks him about Chhaava, says AR Rahman was ‘very proud of its soundtrack’. He goes on to say, “It is divisive. I think it cashed in on divisiveness and but I think the core of it is to show the bravery, because the director, I told him like why do you need me for this, he said we need only you for this, so I think had a very and it is a enjoyable finish but definitely I think people are smarter than that whatever do you think people are going to get influenced by movies? They have something called internal conscience which knows what the truth is and what manipulation is.”

Here’s how the music of Chaava really was – deplorable. If Aurangzeb tortured and killed Shambhu Raje in real life, it was “legendary music composer” AR Rahman who killed the film and the majestic hero in reel. AR Rahman was the biggest misfit in the film, and he destroyed what could have been an epic that would have remained in public memory for a long time.

Chhaava: How AR Rahman Reduced A Maratha Epic To Sonic Ruins

Rahman’s music for Chhaava was a shockingly below-average and out-of-tune soundtrack for a period film that deserved so much more. Rahman’s work here isn’t just disappointing; it’s downright pathetic, and it single-handedly kills the soul of what could have been a powerful historical epic.   

For a film rooted in the life of Chhatrapati Sambhaji Maharaj, Chhaava demanded music steeped in Marathi ethos, historical weight, and warrior fury. What it received from AR Rahman was the exact opposite, a soundtrack so culturally misplaced that it actively sabotages the film.

There is virtually no Marathi soul in the music. Instead of grounding the score in regional rhythm or folk intensity, Rahman delivers a confused jumble of Arabic motifs, Middle Eastern flourishes, electronic clutter, and ambient fillers that feel ripped from a modern lounge playlist. The result is jarring, distracting, and utterly alien to a 17th-century Maratha setting. One wonders if Rahman was composing for Sambhaji Maharaj or Aurangzeb.

“Aaya Re Toofan,” meant to be a battle anthem, collapses into a lifeless exercise. Rahman singing it himself is baffling, especially when voices like Sukhwinder Singh exist for precisely this kind of raw power. Compared to “Malhari,” the track is anemic and instantly forgettable. “Jaane Tu,” placed in a moment of devotion and longing, sounds like a discarded rom-com song, emotionally hollow and historically absurd. A rap track in a Maratha epic only underlines how disconnected the composer was from the film’s soul.

The background score fares no better. It perks up for Mughal scenes, sinks during Maratha suffering, and remains silent where rage and grief were essential. This was stark negligence.

Composers like Ajay-Atul could have elevated Chhaava into something timeless. Rahman instead delivered lazy, tone-deaf music that disrespects history and memory. For a composer of his stature, this failure is not just disappointing; it is shameful.

Cliche For Muslim Characters, None For Hindus

In the subsequent part of the interview, the interviewer says, “My problem with a film like that is that when every time a negative act is taking place on screen and the character is chanting subhan allah mashallah alhamdulillah…”, Rahman butts in and says, “That’s such a cliche no?  I’m just saying I’m not I have great respect for people. People are that foolish to get influenced by false information.”

What Rahman’s comments expose is a staggering double standard. When Islamic invocations on screen are paired with villainy, he instantly spots a “cliché” and feels compelled to correct it, but when a film about a Maratha king who was tortured to death for refusing conversion is dismissed as “divisive,” suddenly concern for sentiment vanishes.

One stereotype troubles him; the other is waved away with lofty platitudes about how “people are not that foolish.” In other words, Muslim portrayal must be handled with infinite sensitivity, while Hindu history asserting itself can be casually reduced to politics. What is repeatedly framed as sacred, civilisational memory for Hindus is treated as an inconvenience, even suspect; what touches Islamic representation is treated as delicate and deserving protection. That imbalance is not subtle, and it is not accidental. It suggests a worldview where one community’s sensitivities are non-negotiable clichés to be challenged, while another’s are inconveniences to be scolded into silence.

Calling audiences “not that foolish” is not reassurance – it is condescension, especially when the same courtesy is never extended to those who feel a historical and emotional stake in a figure like Sambhaji Maharaj.

Faith, Selective Sensitivity, And A Pattern That Can’t Be Ignored

For many longtime admirers of AR Rahman, the discomfort does not begin with interviews or recent controversies alone – it has existed quietly for years. Multiple anecdotes from within the Tamil film industry point to a pattern where Rahman’s personal religious beliefs appear to intrude into professional spaces, often at the expense of others’ faith.

Lyricist Piraisoodan has publicly recalled being asked to remove Hindu religious marks before entering Rahman’s home, a request he refused.

Veteran lyricist Vaali recorded an incident where Rahman objected to equating a mother with God in a song, forcing a lyric change even after filming was completed.

In another instance, Rahman reportedly distanced himself from composing an Ayyappa devotional song in Boys, while having no such hesitation in composing songs venerating Jesus in earlier films.

Individually, these incidents may be explained away. Taken together, they raise an uncomfortable question: why does religious sensitivity seem selective? Respect for one’s faith is legitimate but repeatedly pushing it onto collaborators, while showing openness to other religious themes, inevitably invites scrutiny.

For fans who once saw Rahman as a unifying cultural force beyond religion and politics, this perceived imbalance is deeply unsettling. It suggests not quiet faith, but a recurring tendency to draw lines where art once dissolved them – a shift that clashes sharply with the inclusive legacy that made Rahman a national icon in the first place.

Given this pattern and his firm belief as a Muslim in “La Ilaha Illallah Muhammadur Rasulullah”, it is only natural for Hindus to feel uneasy about whether a composer with such Islamist outlook can approach an epic like the Ramayan and the reverence it demands.

Rahman, You Are No Victim, Just Out of Tune

AR Rahman, the 59-year-old musician, is unwilling to confront the simple truth: new voices eventually replace old ones. That is exactly how he himself rose – by outpacing and outgrowing the composers before him. The wheel has turned again, and this time, he is on the other side of it.

Instead of acknowledging that audiences and filmmakers are moving on, he chooses to cloak professional stagnation in insinuations of bias. Dressing up a fading dominance as a consequence of “communal” forces is deflection. No artist, however celebrated, enjoys permanent supremacy. Decline is not persecution, it is inevitability.

To hint at discrimination rather than admit loss of relevance reflects bitterness, not bravery. It diminishes the very legacy he claims to defend and makes his grievances sound less like critique and more like sour resentment at being overtaken.

In the end, this is not about censorship, conspiracies, or communal pressure, it is about decline and denial. A.R. Rahman is not being sidelined; he is being outpaced. Audiences have moved on, tastes have changed, and his once-revolutionary sound now feels repetitive and dated. Instead of accepting that reality, he chooses to complain, insinuate bias, and lecture people on how they should respond to history and culture.

What makes this harder to ignore is that this selective sensitivity is not new. When Muslim portrayal needs care, he cries “cliché.” When Hindu history demands respect, he dismisses it as “divisive” and tells audiences they are “not that foolish.”

Legends earn respect by rising above excuses, not by playing victim when the spotlight shifts. Rahman’s problem today isn’t the industry or the times – it’s that the music no longer speaks, and no interview, however long, can tune that out.

Hydra is a political writer. 

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The post Destroys Chhaava, Mints Money, Then Calls It ‘Divisive’: An Out-Of-Tune AR Rahman Using Religion To Score appeared first on The Commune.

The Zanskar Buddhist Association (ZBA) has written to the Sub-Divisional Magistrate (SDM) of Zanskar, raising serious concerns over what it described as a growing pattern of forced religious conversions through marriage in the Union Territory of Ladakh and seeking the enactment of a stringent anti-conversion law to preserve communal harmony.

In its letter dated 15 January 2026, the Zanskar Buddhist Association stated that it was alarmed by repeated incidents involving Buddhist girls allegedly being abducted, lured, or coerced into marriage, followed by religious conversion. The association argued that such incidents, if left unaddressed, could disrupt the fragile social balance in the region.

BIG! Buddhist Association joins Hindus, Sikhs and Christians in expressing concern, issuing an URGENT representation alleging abduction, fraudulent RELIGIOUS CONVERSION and “LOVE JIHAD” targeting Buddhist women. pic.twitter.com/HMf4fkvoY7

— Megh Updates (@MeghUpdates) January 15, 2026

The immediate trigger for the letter was the disappearance of a young Buddhist woman, Stanzin Yangdol, from Zanskar. According to the association, Yangdol had been missing for several days, and her parents had informed the ZBA that extensive searches and inquiries among friends and relatives had yielded no information. The association said this had led the family to suspect that she may have been abducted and wrongfully confined against her will.

In its representation to the SDM, the association said it had strong and reasonable grounds to believe that, in multiple cases, marriages involving Buddhist women were being preceded or accompanied by religious conversion carried out through deception, coercion, inducement, or misrepresentation, rather than free and informed consent. It claimed that these incidents appeared to follow a consistent and pre-planned pattern, giving rise to apprehensions of an organised effort to alter the religious identity of women from the Buddhist community.

The ZBA further alleged that such cases involved systematic misinformation, psychological manipulation, and the exploitation of vulnerabilities, effectively cutting victims off from their families and support systems. It maintained that if marriages between Buddhist women and Muslim men were genuinely consensual and free of religious pressure, they could be solemnised under the Special Marriage Act. However, it pointed out that in the cases it had observed, only the religion of the woman was changed, while the men never converted, a pattern it said raised serious questions about voluntariness and legality.

Highlighting demographic changes in recent years, the association noted that even in Leh district, traditionally a Buddhist stronghold, the community had begun to feel a growing sense of vulnerability. It said conversions of Buddhist women following marriages over the past few years had sharpened anxieties within the community and made it more assertive about protecting its customs, traditions, and way of life.

The letter urged the administration to take immediate steps to trace and restore Stanzin Yangdol to her family and to initiate an impartial inquiry into the allegations. It also called for the immediate registration of a First Information Report under relevant provisions of the Bharatiya Nyaya Sanhita, 2023, including Sections 138, 127, 318, 69, and 87, against those allegedly involved.

Beyond the specific case, the association appealed for the enactment of a dedicated anti-conversion or anti-love jihad law in the Union Territory. It argued that such legislation would deter forcible or fraudulent conversions through marriage or allurement and help maintain peaceful coexistence among communities. The ZBA also urged authorities and community leaders to sensitise people against practices that could fuel communal unrest.

The letter warned that failure to act swiftly could escalate tensions on the ground and stressed the need for decisive intervention before the situation deteriorated further. Copies of the representation were sent to senior officials, including the Lieutenant Governor and the UT administration.

The letter was signed by ZBA president Tsering Dorjay, who reiterated that the association’s demands were rooted in concerns over social harmony, legal accountability, and the protection of vulnerable members of the Buddhist community.

Source: OpIndia

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The post Zanskar Buddhist Association Flags Love Jihad, Seeks Anti-Conversion Law After Buddhist Woman Goes Missing appeared first on The Commune.

The Kerala Muslim Jamaath has formally demanded the bifurcation of Ernakulam district, citing demographic changes and evolving social conditions in the region. Responding to political remarks on the 2003 Marad ‘riots’, Sayyid Ibrahimul Khaleel Al Bukhari said there was no purpose in revisiting the incident and that it should not be discussed again as it would reopen old wounds. So, what happened in 2003?

A Beach Of Bodies

The night of 2 May 2003, the usually tranquil Marad beach in Kozhikode, Kerala, transformed into a killing ground; it witnessed one of the most brutal and least-discussed communal massacres in post-Independence India. Eight Hindu fishermen belonging to the Mukkuvan community – Chandran, Dasan, Gopalan, Krishnan, Madhavan, Rajesh, Pushparaj, and Santosh, were hacked to death by an armed Muslim mob in a brutal, one-sided attack. One assailant, Muhammad Azhar, was also killed, bringing the death toll to nine.

This was not a spontaneous riot, nor a “clash” between communities. It was, as a judicial commission would later establish, a pre-planned, cold-blooded communal massacre – a jihad executed with chilling precision, whose roots lay in a deep-seated conspiracy involving political parties, fundamentalist organisations, and a compromised state apparatus.

Despite judicial findings, mass convictions, and the recovery of weapons and explosives from a mosque, the incident has for two decades been persistently diluted in public discourse as a “riot” rather than acknowledged for what official records describe: a massacre born of conspiracy, planning, and administrative failure.

A Communally Fragile Coast: Marad Before 2003

Marad is not an anonymous village. It is part of Kerala’s long coastal belt where Hindu Mukkuvan fishing communities lived for generations alongside Muslim settlements. By the late 1990s and early 2000s, however, this belt had become deeply communally polarised, shaped by political mobilisation, economic displacement, and repeated episodes of violence.

Tensions escalated sharply after 3-4 January 2002, when clashes triggered by a trivial dispute over drinking water spiralled into communal violence that left five people dead – three Muslims and two Hindus. That episode, far from being resolved, became the emotional and political fuel for what followed.

The Night Of The Massacre: A Planned Slaughter

On the evening of 2 May 2003, a mob of around 90 Muslim men, armed with swords, choppers, spears, iron pipes, and explosives, assembled at Marad beach. They were not a random crowd. The judicial commission and subsequent criminal investigations revealed a conspiracy hatched over nearly a year, with planning meetings taking place at various locations, including the local Marad Juma Masjid.

The eight Hindu fishermen, unsuspecting, were ambushed and mercilessly hacked to death. Reports from post-mortem examinations would later reveal gruesome mutilation of the victims’ private parts, indicating a savagery intended to terrorise the entire community. The attackers also hurled country-made bombs, though many failed to explode.

From “Retaliation” To Conspiracy

The 2003 killings were repeatedly framed by interested parties as spontaneous retaliation. This claim collapsed under judicial scrutiny.

A one-man judicial inquiry headed by Justice Thomas P Joseph concluded unambiguously that:

• The massacre was not spontaneous
• It was a one-sided attack on Hindus
• It was the result of a larger criminal conspiracy
• Islamist organisations and local political actors were actively involved in planning and execution

The commission specifically named activists linked to the Indian Union Muslim League (IUML) and the National Development Front (NDF) as central to the conspiracy, stating it was “quite unlikely” they acted without the knowledge or blessings of their leadership at the local level.

The Mosque As Arsenal And Sanctuary

One of the most damning facts of the Marad case emerged in its immediate aftermath.

Several assailants ran into the Marad Juma Masjid after the killings. When police attempted to enter, they were physically obstructed by a group of local women forming a human barricade. Once officers forced entry, they recovered:

• Around 90 country-made bombs
• Swords, choppers, spears
• Petrol bombs and iron pipes

The commission noted that this stockpile appeared to be a reserve for an even larger massacre, had the police not intervened when they did.

The Conspiracy: Political Patronage And Organised Terror

The Justice Joseph Commission’s findings were damning and explicit. It concluded:

• The massacre was a “one-sided attack on the Hindus, without any provocation, by the Muslim fundamentalists/terrorists.”
• ​There was a “larger conspiracy involving Muslim fundamentalists/terrorists and other forces.”
• “The IUML activists are actively involved in the planning and execution of the massacre… It is quite unlikely that the IUML activists were thus involved without the blessings of their leadership at least at the local level.”
• “The NDF activists are actively involved…” (The NDF later morphed into the Popular Front of India – PFI, which was later banned by GoI).

The commission named local IUML leaders, including PP Moideen Koya and Mayin Haji (Chairman of the Calicut Development Authority), stating they were either involved in the conspiracy or had prior knowledge. It painted a picture of a coordinated operation where a fundamentalist organisation (NDF/PFI) provided the foot-soldiers and ideology, and a mainstream political party (IUML, a perennial ally of both Congress and CPI(M) in Kerala, provided the political cover and local ecosystem.

When IUML representatives were summoned before the commission, they attempted to justify the massacre as mere “retaliation” for the 2002 killings and even tried to deflect blame onto the RSS and BJP, a narrative that found little traction given the one-sided nature of the carnage.

This nexus was further illustrated by the commission’s scrutiny of the administration. It indicted the then Kozhikode District Collector, TO Sooraj Mohamed, stating the “allegation of communalism raised against him cannot be ignored as baseless.” Shockingly, after the mosque was sealed following the recovery of weapons, Collector Sooraj allowed E Ahamed, then an IUMP MP and Union Minister of State for External Affairs, to enter the sealed premises to offer prayers amidst the explosive situation.

The then Assistant Commissioner of Police, M Abdul Raheem, was also severely criticized. His appointment was found to be “shrouded by suspicious circumstances,” and the commission stated that allegations of his links with the forces behind the massacre “cannot be ignored as baseless.”

Trials, Convictions, And Delayed Justice

In January 2009, a special court in Kozhikode delivered its verdict – 63 accused were convicted, 62 were sentenced to life imprisonment, and most were linked to IUML, NDF, and allied groups.

Over the years, further legal proceedings continued. Acquittals were overturned, additional accused were convicted, and even as late as 2021, courts handed down double life sentences to remaining perpetrators, underscoring how prolonged and contested the process of justice has been.

In 2016, bowing to persistent pressure, the CBI registered a fresh FIR to finally investigate the larger conspiracy, foreign links, and funding, specifically naming some IUML leaders.

Relief, Rehabilitation, And Unequal Aftermath

In the immediate aftermath, more than 2,000 Muslim women and children were moved to relief camps amid fears of retaliation. These camps received organised support through mosque networks and Mahal committees.

Hindu victims, by contrast, reported minimal institutional support, relying largely on community organisations. Rehabilitation of Marad itself was stalled for months as displaced residents were unable to return, reflecting the depth of communal fracture the massacre left behind.

The Silenced Narrative And The Larger Pattern

The Marad Massacre reveals a chilling continuum of communal violence in Malabar’s coastal belt. The commission itself linked it to the history of tension in the area. The text also references earlier incidents: the 2002 violence, and going further back, attacks like the one on the Naduvattam Temple during the Ezhunnallippu festival in 1954, and the violence in Payyoli in 1952.

Economically, a silent demographic shift was underway. Historically poor Hindu fishing communities (Mukkuvans) were gradually being displaced by Muslim fishermen buoyed by remittances from the Gulf. The commission even hinted at a plan for the “extermination of 27 families” from the coast, terming it a form of “land jihad,” where the coast was seen as a strategic route for smuggling and terror logistics.

Yet, this bloody history stands in stark contrast to the national media narrative. While the 2002 Gujarat riots remain a constant reference point in national discourse, framed often as state-sponsored pogroms, the Marad massacres of 2002 and 2003 -brutal, pre-meditated, and with clear political and organisational culpability, have been relegated to the footnotes. No prominent intellectuals, activists, or politicians visited the grieving Hindu families in Marad. When social activist Medha Patkar visited Kerala in August 2003, her discussions focused on Gujarat and the Iraq war, not the massacre in Marad.

The Marad Massacre is not a relic of the past. The organisations implicated, the IUML, the PFI (now banned), its political wing SDPI, continue to shape Kerala’s politics and social fabric. The massacre is a grim lesson in how communal violence is manufactured, executed, and memory-managed. It is a testament to the fact that the most dangerous extremism is not that which operates in the shadows, but that which has learned to operate within the system, with political patronage and a guarantee of impunity. In the silence that surrounds Marad, the echoes of the killers’ swords can still be heard.

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The post The 2003 Marad ‘Riots’: Kerala’s Silenced Massacre Of Hindus By Jihadis appeared first on The Commune.

Leftist rag, The Wire’s senior ‘journalist’ Arfa Khanum Sherwani has come under criticism for what can be described as a contradictory and selective interpretation of secularism and constitutional freedom, following her comments on the inauguration of India’s new Parliament building and her subsequent defence of a religious oath taken by a Muslim political leader in the United States.

During the inauguration of the new Parliament building in May 2023, attended by Prime Minister Narendra Modi, Sherwani expressed strong disapproval of the Hindu rituals performed as part of the ceremony. In a video, she said, “For the last 75 years continuously we have been trying, we have been struggling, that we should be able to make ourselves into a liberal, secular democracy which gives everyone equal freedom and equal rights, gives everyone an equal place. But what was seen today in Parliament, in the name of the new Parliament, in the name of the inauguration of the new Parliament – believe this, not just as a journalist but also as a citizen – it has made me feel ashamed. Today my country did not appear as a democracy. Today my country did not appear as such a society, did not appear as such a country which is run by the Constitution. Today my country has come across as such a society, such a system, which can only and only be compared completely with a monarchy – that too such a monarchy which runs on the basis of religion.”

Cut to the present. Sherwani adopted a markedly different position while commenting on an event in the United States involving Zohran Mamdani, who took oath of office by placing his hand on the Quran after becoming the first Muslim mayor of New York City.

Addressing criticism of that oath, Sherwani said, “In New York, Zohran Mamdani – he became the first such mayor who took oath by placing his hand on the Quran. The first such mayor of New York, the first Muslim mayor. On this, many people are saying: what kind of secularism is this? Why did Zohran Mamdani take oath by placing his hand on the Quran?”

She then defended the act on constitutional grounds, stating, “So the biggest thing is this: the Constitution, whether it is the Constitution of India or it is the Constitution of America, gives permission for this – that all people, according to their faith, according to their religion, according to their belief, can live their lives.”

When Hindu rituals happen in the Indian Parliament, it’s labelled undemocratic

But Zohran’s Quran oath becomes a matter of personal freedom, hypocrisy much? @khanumarfa pic.twitter.com/r5jOJcjN4f

— Political Kida (@PoliticalKida) January 3, 2026

The contrasting positions reveal an internal contradiction. The same constitutional logic invoked to justify a Quran-based oath in the United States applies equally to religious customs followed during state ceremonies in India.

While Hindu rituals performed during the inauguration of the Parliament of India were described as evidence of a “religious monarchy,” an explicitly religious oath taken by a Muslim political leader was defended as an expression of constitutional freedom. The constitutional framework was treated as rigid and violated in one case, and flexible and permissive in the other.

This selective application weakens claims of principled secularism. It reflects a clear double standard in evaluating religious expression in public life, casting Hindu practices in India as unconstitutional or regressive, while portraying Islamic religious expression in the West as legitimate, protected, and progressive under the same constitutional logic.

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The post Hindu Rituals Are ‘Religious Monarchy’, Quran Oath By Zohran Mamdani Is ‘Freedom’: Arfa Khanum Sherwani’s Selective Secularism appeared first on The Commune.

A recent speech by DMK scion Udhayanidhi Stalin at a gathering organised by the party in line with Christmas celebrations, shed light on the range of welfare schemes and financial assistance programmes targeted at various minority communities, especially the Christian and the Muslims.

Let us take a look at all the schemes offered by the DMK government under the Dravidian Model of governance for these minorities.

Christian Community

Educational Scholarships and Student Support

Udhayanidhi Stalin stated in the speech that the state government has provided ₹7 crore in educational scholarships to around one lakh minority students, including Christians, over the past 4.5 years. However, existing documents do not establish this.

In addition, students from families of members of the Christian Priests and Church Employees Welfare Board receive ₹1,000 per month as educational assistance.

Pension and Welfare Board Benefits

The Christian Priests and Church Employees Welfare Board, established in 2022, offers a range of welfare benefits. Old-age pension is provided at ₹1,000 per month. The annual pension amount for church employees who are board members has been enhanced from ₹12,000 to ₹15,000, as mentioned by Udhayanidhi Stalin, however, there is no proof of this increment.

Assistance for natural death has been increased to ₹30,000 as claimed by Udhayanidhi Stalin, while compensation for accidental death goes up to ₹1,00,000. The claim of ₹30,000 is available to landless agricultural workers and not Christians specifically.

The board also provides:

• Educational assistance for children of members (₹1,000–₹1,750 for school students and ₹1,500–₹8,000 for college students depending on the course),
• Marriage assistance (₹3,000 for men and ₹5,000 for women),
• Maternity assistance of ₹6,000 (₹1,000 per month for six months),
• Funeral assistance of ₹5,000, and
• Medical reimbursement of ₹500 for spectacles.

Pilgrimage and Religious Travel

Christian pilgrims are eligible for a ₹37,000 subsidy for pilgrimages to Jerusalem. Nuns and sisters receive enhanced assistance of ₹60,000. The scheme covers 600 pilgrims annually, with 50 seats reserved for nuns and sisters.

Institutional Recognition and Infrastructure

The government has granted permanent recognition to all minority educational institutions, including Christian institutions. Funding for church renovation has been substantially increased under revised guidelines:

• Churches aged 10–15 years: ₹10 lakh (earlier ₹2 lakh),
• Churches aged 15–20 years: ₹15 lakh (earlier ₹4 lakh),
• Churches over 20 years old: ₹20 lakh (earlier ₹6 lakh).

Currently, 44 churches are undergoing renovation at an estimated cost of ₹3 crore.

Muslim Community

The Muslim community has been the recipient of several welfare measures of the Tamil Nadu government.

Educational Support

After the Union government discontinued pre-matric scholarships for classes 1–8 in 2022–23, the Tamil Nadu government stepped in to provide scholarships to Muslim girl students in classes 1–8 through the Tamil Nadu Waqf Board, benefiting around 1,26,256 students. Minority students are also eligible for educational loans up to ₹5 lakh through cooperative banks.

The Pudhumai Penn scheme, which provides ₹1,000 per month to support girls’ higher education, has been extended to government-aided minority schools, benefiting Muslim girls as well.

Ulema and Religious Worker Welfare Board

The Ulema and Religious Worker Welfare Board, established in 2009 and reconstituted in 2024, covers Aalims, Pesh-Imams, Arabic teachers, Mothinars, Bilals, Mujawars and other mosque and madrasa employees. The board has 14,696 registered members.

Benefits include:

• Accident relief: ₹1,25,000 for death and ₹10,000–₹1,00,000 for disability,
• Natural death assistance: ₹30,000,
• Funeral expenses: ₹5,000,
• Scholarships ranging from ₹1,000 to ₹8,000 depending on course level,
• Marriage assistance: ₹3,000 for men and ₹5,000 for women,
• Maternity assistance: ₹6,000 (₹1,000 per month for six months),
• Old-age pension: ₹1,000 per month,
• Two-wheeler subsidy of ₹25,000 or 50% of the cost, whichever is less.

For 2024–25, ₹78.76 lakh has been allocated to this board.

Ulema Pension Scheme

A separate pension scheme, in place since 1981, provides ₹3,000 per month (enhanced from ₹1,500) to retired Pesh-Imams, Mothinars, Arabic teachers and Mujawars aged 60 and above with 20 years of service, or aged 40 and above with 10 years of service in the case of differently abled beneficiaries. Around 1,461 Ulemas receive this pension, with a 2024–25 allocation of ₹540 lakh.

Pilgrimage Subsidy

For the Haj pilgrimage, the state government provides a ₹25,000 subsidy per first-time pilgrim. In 2025, ₹14.12 crore was allocated to support 5,650 first-time Haj pilgrims.

Muslim Women Aid Societies

The government supports 43 Muslim Women Aid Societies across districts, which assist destitute widows and elderly women. Matching grants of up to ₹20 lakh per society per year are provided. In 2023–24, ₹658.99 lakh was sanctioned for these societies.

Waqf Board and Property Rights

The government has granted 30-year lease permissions to the Waqf Board to promote educational, medical and social initiatives. A Waqf Tribunal has also been established in Madurai to handle disputes related to Waqf properties.

Hindu Community

The DMK government maintains that it has implemented various schemes for the Hindu majority, though these are structured differently from religion-specific minority schemes. The benefits are largely disbursed reportedly based on caste.

In its 2021 election manifesto, the DMK promised ₹1,000 crore for temple renovation. However, actual allocations have been significantly lower. For 2024–25, the state budget earmarked ₹100 crore for the renovation of ancient temples.

Pension/Wedding Benefits

Since assuming office, Chief Minister MK Stalin has rolled out a series of welfare and incentive schemes aimed at temple priests.

In September 2021, he launched an incentive scheme under which 12,959 archakas and bhattachariars were provided a monthly honorarium of ₹1,000.

In January 2022, the Chief Minister unveiled a further set of welfare measures, including marriage assistance with 8-gram gold coins for women and an enhanced pension for retired temple priests.

This was followed in January 2022 by the formal launch of the enhanced pension scheme, which was extended even to retired priests not under the control of the Hindu Religious and Charitable Endowments (HR&CE) Department, benefiting a total of 1,904 retired priests across the State.

In May 2022, the State government issued a standard operating procedure (SOP) for archakas, stating that 60% of the archanai ticket fare collected in temples administered by the HR&CE Department would be paid to priests performing archanai in Tamil, a move announced in the name of promoting Tamil in temple rituals.

Religious Tourism Fund

The 2021 manifesto also promised to support up to one lakh Hindu devotees annually with ₹25,000 per person for pilgrimages to major temples such as Rameswaram, Kasi, Kedarnath, Badrinath and Tirupati. The current status of implementation and disbursement figures for this scheme remain unclear.

The scheme has since been expanded to include Buddhist, Jain and Sikh pilgrims, who receive ₹10,000 each.

Together, these measures reflect the DMK government’s approach to welfare and financial assistance especially towards minority communities, with distinct schemes, allocations and implementation mechanisms tailored to the two main groups.

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The post DMK’s Divisive Politics: Calls For ‘Eradicating Sanatana Dharma’ But Lists Crores-Worth Schemes For Christians And Muslims appeared first on The Commune.

The first MBBS batch of a medical college built entirely from offerings made by Hindu pilgrims at the Shri Mata Vaishno Devi shrine has admitted 45 Muslim students and only three Hindus in its very first batch, igniting outrage among the Hindu community. Ironically, this comes at the very moment the Supreme Court has forcefully defended the constitutional privileges enjoyed by minority educational institutions under Article 30.

The parallel developments have thrown into sharp relief a long-ignored inconsistency: minority institutions enjoy ironclad legal safeguards, while Hindu-run institutions, even in Hindu-minority Union Territories, have none.

Hindu Shrine-Funded Medical College Admits 45 Muslim Students 

The medical college at Katra, run by the Shri Mata Vaishno Devi Shrine Board and funded entirely through offerings made by Hindu pilgrims, admitted its first MBBS batch for the 2025–26 academic year with 50 seats. Initial admission lists showed 42 Muslim students, seven Hindu students, and one Sikh student. Subsequent updates from the medical fraternity in Jammu indicated that the final distribution had shifted to 45 Muslim students and only three Hindu students.

Five Hindu girls from Jammu who were allotted seats reportedly chose not to join. A doctor from Jammu told Swarajya that parents were uncomfortable sending their daughters to an institute “when the admitted batch is overwhelmingly Muslim for an institute built on the guiding principles of the Hindu faith and Shri Mata Vaishno Devi.”

The institute is located in Kakryal, Katra, an area that forms a crucial part of the Vaishno Devi pilgrimage ecosystem and is governed culturally by the shrine’s traditions, including strict vegetarian norms.

While authorities maintain that admissions were conducted strictly on the basis of NEET merit and the approved domicile structure, 85% for Jammu and Kashmir candidates and 15 per cent open quota, Hindu organisations, local residents, and political representatives have questioned whether a shrine-funded institution can be treated as ideologically neutral.

Bajrang Dal’s J&K president Rakesh Bajrangi argued that admissions should have been routed through an All India NEET pool or structured to protect Hindu representation, stating that pilgrims across India had contributed to building the institution. BJP legislators echoed this view in representations to Lieutenant Governor Manoj Sinha, arguing that the absence of government funding strengthens, rather than weakens, the case for community-linked safeguards.

Demands For Minority Status And Legal Clarity

Four core demands have emerged from the controversy: cancellation of the current admission list; granting the college Hindu minority-institution status; a review of alleged procedural irregularities in admissions; and amendments to the Shri Mata Vaishno Devi Shrine Act to explicitly define the religious and welfare objectives of institutions funded by shrine offerings.

Medical professionals in Jammu have questioned how admissions were announced when the college’s name reportedly did not feature prominently on National Medical Commission or JKBOPEE listings, and why the process was carried out in what they described as undue haste.

Legal experts point out that the Constitution already provides a pathway. Article 30 guarantees minorities the right to establish and administer educational institutions, and Supreme Court jurisprudence has consistently held that “minority” is State-specific. Hindus, while a national majority, are a minority in Jammu and Kashmir, where Muslims constitute over 68% of the population.

Jammu already hosts minority-run institutions operating within NEET norms, including ASCOMS, which reserves 25% seats for Hindu students as a Hindu minority institution, and a Sikh minority engineering college reserving 50 per cent seats for Sikh students.

The Hypocrisy Of Judiciary

Against this backdrop, the Supreme Court on Friday, 12 December 2025, issued a sharp warning to those seeking to roll back minority protections in education. A Bench of Justice BV Nagarathna and Justice R Mahadevan came down heavily on a writ petition filed by United Voice for Education Forum challenging the exemption granted to minority institutions from the RTE Act.

“You cannot do this to Supreme Court. We are enraged. This is against the entire system of judiciary in this country if you start filing such cases,” Justice Nagarathna remarked. The Court said it was “restraining” itself to imposing a ₹1 lakh cost, adding, “Don’t bring down the judiciary in this country by filing such cases.”

Calling the plea a “grossest abuse,” the Bench questioned how advocates could advise filing a petition under Article 32 to challenge the Supreme Court’s own judgment. “What is happening here? Advocates are giving such kind of advice? We will have to penalise the advocates,” the Court said, while stopping short of initiating contempt proceedings.

The petition had sought to overturn the Constitution Bench ruling in Pramati Educational and Cultural Trust v. Union of India, which upheld the exemption of minority institutions from RTE obligations, including the requirement to reserve 25% seats for economically weaker sections.

“Let this be a message to others. You want to crumble the judiciary of this country,” the Court warned while imposing costs.

How Muslim Minority Institutions Enjoy Extensive Legal And Judicial Protection

This expansive protection is not theoretical; it is visible in practice through institutions like Aligarh Muslim University (AMU) and Jamia Millia Islamia, both of which enjoy minority status and the attendant constitutional safeguards despite receiving substantial public funding. AMU’s minority character, repeatedly litigated, has remained a central legal and political question precisely because of the privileges it confers in admissions and administration. Similarly, Jamia Millia Islamia operates under minority protections that exempt it from RTE obligations and allow autonomy over institutional character. Beyond these central universities, hundreds of Muslim-run medical, engineering, and professional colleges across states function as minority institutions with reserved seats, preferential admissions, and protection from regulatory intrusion. Together, these examples illustrate how Muslim minority institutions benefit from a well-entrenched legal framework that actively preserves their identity—protections that Hindu-run institutions, even in Hindu-minority regions and even when funded exclusively by religious offerings, are categorically denied.

The Contrast Could Not Be More Stark

For Hindus, the juxtaposition can’t get starker. While the Supreme Court, playing the role of ‘protector’, has vehemently defended (non-Hindu) minority institutions’ right to remain insulated from RTE mandates in order to preserve their cultural and religious character, Hindu-run institutions, even in Hindu-minority regions, continue to operate without any constitutional recognition or protection.

Officials in Jammu point out that admissions were drawn from across the Union Territory, where cultural and religious practices vary sharply from those of the shrine town of Katra. They warn that if current trends continue, the institute could face persistent friction over dietary norms, religious practices, and campus culture, issues that are inseparable from a shrine-linked environment.

Are Hindus Second-Class Citizens?

The episode exposes an uncomfortable constitutional imbalance that the Supreme Court has consistently refused to confront. By zealously insulating minority institutions from scrutiny and even penalising those who question this privilege, the Court has effectively frozen a one-sided interpretation of equality in education. While minority rights are guarded with near-absolute rigidity, Hindu-run institutions—even those funded entirely by religious offerings and operating in Hindu-minority regions—are left without any legal mechanism to preserve their character or ensure fair representation. This selective constitutional sensitivity risks transforming Article 30 from a protective provision into a permanent shield against accountability, deepening perceptions that the judiciary is unwilling to even acknowledge, let alone correct, an evident asymmetry in how religious communities are treated under the law.

Source: Swarajya & Bar and Bench

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DMK MP Thanga Tamil Selvan had said that tensions in Thiruparankundram stemmed from what he described as an attempt to introduce a new and non-traditional practice on Skandar Hill, leading to conflict where none previously existed. His remarks came during the Skandhar Vs Sikandar Malai row triggered by Islamists, in which he discussed the origins of the dispute.

According to the MP, relations between the Piramalai Kallar community and local Muslims had historically been peaceful. He said trouble began only when certain individuals announced plans to conduct animal sacrifice and distribute biryani at the site.

“There is no difference of opinion at all between the Piramalai Kallar community or the Muslims living there. The problem only starts when someone suddenly comes and says, ‘I’ll go there, slaughter a goat, serve biryani and show blood flowing.’ This is an unnecessary issue,” he said.

Tamil Selvan added that Hindu and Muslim residents had lived harmoniously for years and alleged that external groups contributed to the escalation.

“Until now, the respected Muslim elders living there and we have all lived together as one… It is the Hindu Munnani, RSS side starting an argument with the Muslim elders here over an unnecessary issue – that is what I first criticise as a big mistake.”

When asked where he believed the problem originated, he stated: “Our Muslim brothers going there and saying they will offer blood sacrifice and slaughter goats there in that spot – that itself was the first mistake.”

When asked whether the practice of offering animals on the hill was part of the traditional customs, Thanga Tamil Selvan initially denied it. He said it was “not part of the local custom.”

The interviewer pointed out that for nearly 600 years, people in the region had taken hens and chickens as offerings to fulfil vows. Tamil Selvan responded that while such acts might occur occasionally and “naturally,” the dispute arose only because some individuals were now trying to formalise it into a fixed ritual.

He explained: “Yes, it happens naturally. But trying to convert that into a ritual, saying ‘we will change it and do this every day’, that is wrong.”

Tamil Selvan also argued that major sections of the Muslim community did not support such new practices.

“Generally, if you look at the respected Muslim elders… in that faith, they will not worship a grave or dargah as such. Now they are trying to forcibly introduce a new ritual or practice there – that is what we are opposing.”

திருப்பரங்குன்றம் பிரச்சனைக்கு முழு முதல் காரணம் கந்தன் மலை மீது இதுவரை இல்லாத ஆடு வெட்டுவேன் பிரியாணி கொடுப்பேன் என்று ஒன்றை இஸ்லாமிய சமூகத்தினர் ஆரம்பித்தது தான்.

– திமுக MP தங்க தமிழ் செல்வன் பேட்டி #Thiruparankundram #திருப்பரங்குன்றம் pic.twitter.com/jH9H2W1be2

— Bagavath Pratheep (@Bagavathprathee) December 5, 2025

In January 2025, Ramanathapuram MP and Tamil Nadu Waqf Board chairman Navas Kani triggered controversy after posting photos of people eating non-vegetarian biryani near the entrance of Thirupparankundram Temple Hills, during a visit related to the ongoing dargah dispute. His remarks that cooked meat was permitted and that restrictions would be lifted soon sparked public outrage, with critics accusing him of provoking communal tension.

The incident comes amid weeks of unrest, including attempts by some Muslim groups to take goats and roosters up the hill for sacrifice, repeated police intervention, protests, and Kani’s earlier claim that the hilltop dargah is Waqf property, intensifying Hindu–Muslim tensions.

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The post “Problem Started When Muslim Brothers Said They’ll Slaughter A Goat And Serve Biryani”: DMK MP Thanga Tamil Selvan On Thiruparankundram Row appeared first on The Commune.

Police in Thiruvananthapuram have registered a UAPA case against a UK-based woman and her husband for allegedly attempting to radicalise her 16-year-old son and persuade him to join the Islamic State. The Venjaramoodu Police filed the case after the boy’s relatives alerted authorities to suspected indoctrination.

Relatives Alert Police After Behavioural Change

According to police, the woman, originally from Pathanamthitta had converted to Islam and remarried a man from Vembayam. The couple had been living in the UK. During the teenager’s visit to the UK, the two allegedly showed him ISIS propaganda videos and attempted to draw him towards extremist ideology.

After returning to Kerala, the couple enrolled the boy in a religious study centre in Attingal. Teachers there reportedly noticed a sudden behavioural shift and informed his mother’s relatives, who subsequently approached the police.

Complaint From Mother Leads to Probe

The case was triggered after the woman lodged a complaint accusing the boy of molesting his younger sister. Police say this was filed after the boy left to stay with his biological father. When questioned, the teen told investigators that his mother and stepfather had attempted to indoctrinate him and expose him to ISIS content.

Multiple Agencies Involved

The Attingal Deputy Superintendent of Police is leading the UAPA investigation. The NIA has also begun collecting preliminary information. Sources told NDTV that senior officers, including the Thiruvananthapuram Rural Superintendent of Police and the Anti-Terror Squad, are closely monitoring the case.

Police are additionally examining whether the biological father’s custody battle may be influencing the allegations, and are checking for possible links between the couple and an accused in a previous NIA case.

The investigation is ongoing.

(Source: NDTV)

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The post UK-Based Converted Kerala Woman, Second Husband Booked Under UAPA For ISIS Indoctrination Attempt On Her Teen Son appeared first on The Commune.