In a recent interview broadcast on The Wire, editor of “Force Magazine” Pravin Sawhney and journalist Karan Thapar offered commentary on India’s Operation Sindoor that has raised eyebrows for its strikingly pro-Pakistan tilt. During the discussion, Sawhney openly questioned the claims of the Indian Air Force, repeatedly casting doubt on the reported destruction of Pakistani aircraft while giving credence to Pakistani assertions of Indian losses.

The interview, aired on 6 October 2025, focused on statements made by Air Chief Marshal V.R. Chaudhari regarding India’s alleged downing of 12–13 Pakistani aircraft, including fighter jets such as F-16s and JF17s, a C130, and possibly airborne early warning aircraft. Sawhney told Thapar that these claims were “very hard to accept,” citing a Russian expert’s assessment that India’s S400 system cannot conclusively confirm kills of fast-moving fighters. He emphasized that only the downing of a slow-moving airborne early warning aircraft at 300 km could be verified.

Sawhney repeatedly stressed that the Air Force Chief’s claims were based on system intelligence rather than conclusive proof, implying that India’s reported strikes on Pakistani aircraft might be exaggerated. He also criticized the Chief for refusing to comment on Indian losses, describing this as “not befitting an Air Force Chief” and claiming it undermines India’s credibility internationally.

Shockingly, Sawhney went further to suggest that the world remains impressed by Pakistan’s air operations during the campaign. He cited Pakistan’s multi-domain air strategy and post-Operation Sindoor military diplomacy—including the Pakistan–Saudi Arabia strategic defense agreement—as evidence of Pakistani success, implicitly legitimizing Islamabad’s narrative while casting India’s performance as underwhelming. He highlighted press statements by Pakistani Lt. Gen. Khaled Kidwai, who claimed four Rafale aircraft were downed by Pakistan, noting that India’s silence on these claims would be interpreted globally as acquiescence.

Throughout the interview, Thapar allowed Sawhney’s arguments to flow unchallenged, framing questions in ways that amplified doubts about India’s military performance rather than interrogating the methodology or credibility of Pakistani claims. Sawhney repeatedly referred to Indian losses reported by the Chief of Defence Staff and Air Marshal Bharti, dismissing them as “fanciful stories”/“Manohar Kahaniyaan,” while simultaneously elevating Pakistan’s version of events without evidence.

Pravin Sawhney, The Wire Push Narratives Favorable To Pakistan – Says Pak Journalist

In September 2025, in a shocking admission aired on Pakistan’s Samaa TV, prominent Pakistani journalist Najam Sethi explicitly named several Indian media platforms and individuals whom he credited with advancing narratives favorable to Pakistan’s interests, often at the expense of India’s sovereignty and security.

In the video, now viral online, he says “In India, there are some very powerful things coming out in Caravan magazine. Similarly, in India, there are independent sources that provide challenging analysis. One such source is The Wire; it is something you should look at. There are many independent alternative news sources like this. Among military experts, there is Scott Ritter, who is an American Pentagon and defence analyst. Similarly, in India, there is Pravin Sawhney who does a great job, and he provides very powerful analysis. So, I can name a lot, a lot of sincere people. If you want, I can definitely make a list next time.”

Caravan Magazine, The Wire, Pravin Sawhney

– Pak journalist reveals Indian news sources serving Pakistani interestspic.twitter.com/GsokQHuY5v

— Pakistan Untold (@pakistan_untold) September 15, 2025

Karan Thapar Had Pakistani Handlers?

In an interview clipping from 13 years ago, journalist Madhu Trehan grilled Karan Thapar over allegedly having Pakistani handlers.

Thapar addressed allegations that some of his writings and commentary “push Pakistan’s agenda.” The issue arose when a politician reportedly told Trehan that Thapar, through his reporting and articles on India-Pakistan relations, often presented Islamabad’s point of view rather than India’s. The politician clarified that Thapar was not a spy, but that his articles reflected Pakistan’s perspective so consistently that it seemed he was advancing their narrative.

Thapar acknowledged that some of his articles did present a Pakistani point of view. However, he defended this practice, arguing that as an Indian journalist, it is important for the Indian public to be aware of how Pakistan views certain issues. He justified it by saying that showing Pakistan’s perspective is not the same as promoting it and that it was part of providing a full understanding of bilateral relations.

When pressed on whether this constituted pushing Pakistan’s agenda, Thapar denied being a spy and maintained that presenting Pakistan’s point of view was a ‘journalistic responsibility’. He admitted that occasionally his articles might appear to have favored Pakistan’s stance but framed it as an effort to inform Indian readers, not to serve Pakistan.

In essence, the interview left viewers with the impression that people like him were functioning as surrogate spokespersons for Pakistan rather than independent commentators on India’s defence operations.

 

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So there you have it: Pravin Sawhney and Karan Thapar, along with The Wire, apparently moonlight as Pakistan’s spokespersons – all from Indian soil. Truth, objectivity, and journalistic duty? Clearly optional when one can peddle someone else’s talking points.

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The post Congress-Friendly Defence Expert Pravin Sawhney Speaks Like Pak Spokesperson, Endorses Pakistani Military’s Claims, While Doubting Indian Air Force In Operation Sindoor appeared first on The Commune.

On 20 August 2025, Tamil Nadu CM MK Stalin took to his X handle to condemn the summons issued against The Wire‘s “journalists”, S Varadarajan and Karan Thapar in a sedition case.

Stalin Decrying The Summons To The Wire

Stalin described the police action as a blatant misuse of Section 152 of the Bharata Naya Sanhita (BNS), which deals with acts endangering the sovereignty, unity, and integrity of India.

Reacting on the summons, Stalin claimed that Section 152 had become “a substitute for the repealed sedition law” to suppress independent journalism. The Supreme Court had suspended the use of Section 124A, the traditional sedition law, in May 2022. The summons followed an article by The Wire on Operation Sindoor and India’s loss of fighter jets to Pakistan after the Pahalgam terror attack. Assam police issued notices to the journalists on 14 and 18 August 2025, requiring them to appear before the Crime Branch of Guwahati Police on 22 August 2025.

Stalin wrote, “I strongly condemn the action of the Assam Police in issuing summons to senior journalists @SVaradarajan and #KaranThapar of @thewire_in. The summons have been issued despite the Supreme Court granting protection in a related matter only days earlier. No copy of the FIR and no particulars of the case have been furnished, leaving only the threat of arrest. Section 152 of the BNS is being misused as a substitute for the repealed sedition law to suppress independent journalism. A democracy cannot survive if asking questions is treated as sedition.”

I strongly condemn the action of the Assam Police in issuing summons to senior journalists @SVaradarajan and #KaranThapar of @thewire_in.

The summons have been issued despite the Supreme Court granting protection in a related matter only days earlier. No copy of the FIR and no… pic.twitter.com/aRBzVhV7dl

— M.K.Stalin (@mkstalin) August 20, 2025

However, while Stalin publicly criticizes Assam police for allegedly targeting journalists, his own administration in Tamil Nadu has repeatedly used identical tactics against those exercising their freedom of speech. Numerous instances have emerged where police under Stalin’s government have issued summons or notices without following due procedure, creating a climate of intimidation for journalists, activists, and critics alike.

Arrests Under MK Stalin’s Watch: A Pattern Of Silencing Critics

Since assuming office in May 2021, Stalin has repeatedly used the state machinery to target YouTubers, opposition figures, social media activists, and even farmers – basically anyone. Below is a timeline of key incidents that paint a starkly different picture of Stalin’s governance:

• In June 2021, YouTuber Kishore Swamy was arrested under the draconian Goondas Act for allegedly defaming Stalin.
• In October 2021, a YouTuber, Duraimurugan, was arrested on similar charges as above.
• In January 2022, Duraimurugan was again arrested, this time also under the Goondas Act.
• In August 2022, stunt master Kanal Kannan was arrested for speaking against EVR.
• In November 2022, Kishore K Swamy was detained again for posts critical of MK Stalin related to monsoon preparations.
• In December 2022, the DMK government arrested an AMMK cadre for a meme targetting Udhayanidhi Stalin’s Sports Ministry.
• In July 2023, The Commune and its directors faced legal action for reporting on the confrontation between Podu Deekshitars of the Chidambaram Nataraja Temple and HR&CE officials.
• TN BJP Functionary Pravin Raj was arrested in the wee hours of 1 October 2023 for his posts targeting the ruling party and the Congress.
• In September 2023, the Tamil Nadu police even went up to Noida to try to arrest journalist Abhijit Majumder for his article on Udhayanidhi Stalin’s ‘eradicate Sanathana Dharma’ remarks. 
• In September 2023, Arani Mahesh was jailed for allegedly defaming Udhayanidhi Stalin.
• In July 2023, a critic of the DMK, Badri Seshadri, was arrested for his comments in an interview on a YouTube channel regarding the Manipur issue, during which he made remarks about the Chief Justice of India.
• In June 2023, Tamil Nadu BJP State Secretary SG Suryah was taken into custody under non-bailable sections for his comments regarding Madurai CPI-M MP Su Venkatesan concerning a sanitation worker’s tragic death during drain cleaning in Pennadam town, Cuddalore district.
• In June 2023, an AIADMK IT wing member was apprehended under non-bailable sections for sharing a video meme that humorously referenced MK Stalin’s video statement on Senthilbalaji’s arrest. The meme did not contain derogatory content.
• In June 2023, a pro-BJP Twitter user was arrested for sharing an old article and allegedly misattributing DMK to an illegal liquor-producing gang in Tiruppur, following the recent hooch tragedy in Marakkanam.
• In April 2023. Vice President of Tamil Nadu BJP’s Industrial Cell, Selva Kumar, was arrested for criticizing DMK Minister Senthilbalaji.
• In March 2023, the admin of Voice of Savukku Shankar X handle was arrested for a video meme targeting CM MK Stalin and DMK Minister PTR Palanivel Thiagarajan regarding the “eligible household” clause in the monthly assistance scheme for women.
• In February 2023, the DMK government traveled to Gujarat to arrest BJP cadre John Ravi, who had made satirical social media posts about CM MK Stalin and his late father, Karunanidhi.
• In June 2023, Uma Garghi, a BJP supporter was arrested twice on allegations of sharing defamatory posts targeting Tamil Nadu Chief Minister MK Stalin, former CM M Karunanidhi, and Dravidian movement leader EV Ramasamy.
• In September 2023, former VHP leader RBVS Manian, an octagenarian, was arrested for derogatory remarks on BR Ambedkar.
• In October 2023, N Muthuramalingam, the State Propaganda Secretary of South India Forward Bloc, was arrested for expressing his views on Facebook regarding the release of terrorists convicted in the 1998 Coimbatore serial blasts case. Muthuramalingam had criticized Dravidian parties for considering the release of 36 prisoners, including those convicted for life in the Coimbatore terror attack, leading to his arrest.
• In October 2023, an NTK cadre was arrested by TN police for a social media post on Karunanidhi.
• In October 2023, TN police arrested BJP member Amar Prasad Reddy for allegedly attacking and damaging a JCB machine brought to remove the party’s flagpole outside state president K. Annamalai’s Chennai residence.
• In October 2023, a BJP cadre was hounded by TN Police for inadvertently sharing a fake news card – his passport was impounded, he lost his job, and he was jailed too.
• In October 2023, a Hindu Munnani member was arrested for allegedly making ‘defamatory remarks’ against DMK MP A Raja.
• In November 2023, six farmers protesting land acquisition were jailed under the Goondas Act.
• In January 2024, BJP IT Wing and Social Media State Secretary Trichy Pugal Machendran was arrested for an alleged provocative Facebook post celebrating the death of the terrorist Palani Baba on his death anniversary. The post referred to Palani Baba as a “poisonous influence.”
• In March 2024, Minjur Saleem, a pro-BJP activist found himself detained and later arrested for his dissenting views regarding the DMK Party’s governance, which he expressed on the social media platform X (formerly Twitter).
• In March 2024, TN Police went all the way to Bihar to arrest an online troll for posting a meme on DMK Minister Udhayanidhi Stalin.
• In May 2024, TN police arrested YouTuber Savukku Shankar for his ‘obscene’ comment about women police officers in a recent interview.
• In May 2024, TN police arrested YouTuber Felix Gerald for allegedly ‘instigating’ Savukku Shankar to make defamatory remarks against police.
• In July 2024, DMK government arrested NTK propaganda secretary Sattai Duraimurugan for an alleged defamatory song about Karunanidhi.
• In August 2024, Savukku Shankar was again detained under Goondas Act for allegedly possessing ganja. Seven cases were filed against him.
• In October 2024, film director Mohan G Kshatriyan was arrested without following due procedure for a comment he made in an interview.
• In November 2024, BJP supporter Johny Raja was arrested in Chennai by Vellore police following social media posts allegedly targeting the ruling DMK party.
• In November 2024, TN police went all the way to Hyderabad to arrest actress Kasthuri Shankar for her remarks on Telugu community, despite having apologised for the same.
• In November 2024, IMK chief Arjun Sampath’s son Omkar Balaji was arrested for remarks against Dravidianist journo ‘Nakkheeran’ Gopal, he was released later.
• In December 2024, TN Police arrested a youth for posting a video of an elderly woman throwing slippers and dirt at MK Stalin’s poster. Additionally, a complaint was filed against the old lady by a DMK MLA.
• In December 2024, temple activist Rangarajan Narasimhan was arrested by Chennai cyber crime police for allegedly “defaming” Udhayanidhi Stalin.
• In January 2025, a Dindigul BJP leader who exposed the illegal sale of liquor in broad daylight was arrested by TN police.
• In February 2025, a BJP TN functionary Kannan was arrested for his remarks against Chief Minister Stalin at the budget explanation meeting.
• In March 2025, an activist and ex-BJP worker who exposed the poor quality of newly built toilets at Tiruchendur Temple complex was arrested by TN Police at 4 AM that day.
• In March 2025, a Hindu Munnani leader was arrested for posting on social media alleging demolition of a temple.
• In March 2025, TN BJP leader SG Suryah was arrested for a 3-language policy signature campaign in Chennai, he was released later.
• In March 2025, YouTuber Savukku Shankar house was attacked – thugs dressed as sanitary workers ransacked his home, terrorized his mother, and smeared filth across the rooms and dining table, allegedly because he exposed TN Congress chief Selvaperunthagai’s hygiene workers vehicle purchase scam.

Out of those arrested, at least six individuals were booked explicitly for allegedly defaming Stalin or his son and DMK leader Udhayanidhi Stalin. Others were silenced for expressing dissenting views, be it on caste issues, women’s rights, religious practices, or land policies.

Critics argue that Stalin’s rhetoric amounts to hypocrisy. While he positions himself as a defender of press freedom against the actions of Assam police, the reality on the ground in Tamil Nadu shows that similar measures are routinely deployed under his own watch – summons are served arbitrarily, cases are pursued selectively, and due legal procedure is often ignored.

The Pot Calling the Kettle Black

Stalin’s condemnation of the Assam government is a cynical political performance designed to burnish his credentials as a progressive leader on the national stage. It is a narrative carefully constructed to draw attention away from his own government’s rampant abuse of power.

There is a simple, undeniable truth in this saga: Stalin is not a victim of authoritarianism; he is a practitioner of it. He decries in Assam what he enthusiastically enables in Tamil Nadu. His statement is not a defense of free speech; it is an act of sheer hypocrisy, exposing a leader who is willing to defend the principles of democracy everywhere except in the state he himself governs. Until he cleanses his own house of these draconian practices, his sermons on press freedom will ring utterly hollow.

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The post CM Stalin Criticizes Assam Govt For Summoning The Wire’s “Journalists”, Here’s How Dravidian Model Police Suppress Citizens And Political Opponents For Social Media Posts appeared first on The Commune.

A recent interview of alleged historian Ramchandra Guha by leftist journalist Karan Thapar was published on 20 December 2023. The entire conversation is around “Hindu-fication of political discourse”, following an article Guha wrote in the Kolkata newspaper, Telegraph. 

Talking about the “tamasha” around the Ram temple construction, Guha says, “The tamasha around the Ram temple in Ayodhya should worry Indian citizens who believe in democracy and pluralism.” He also adds that the size and scale are signs of “megalomania” and the temple is “a monument to the supremacy of Hinduism”.

Describing the Babri masjid, Guha said, “The Babri Masjid was constructed in the 16th century, so it was a symbol of military and religious triumphalism consistent with the morales of the medieval period. The Ram temple is being constructed in the 21st century, it’s a symbol of religious and indeed political triumphalism inconsistent with constitutional values, I think that’s very very important to underline. When the Masjid was demolished, there were various, in my view quite honourable and creative alternatives offered. Someone said that given the enormous loss of life that had preceded the demolition of the masjid and all the riots in all, the India which we may talk about, some people said, there should be a hospital there for the poor. Others said there could be a children’s park, yet others said I think this was a proposal of the late philosopher Ramchandra Gandhi, that there should be a Ram Raheem Darwaza symbolising peace and harmony and fraternity between Hindus and Muslims. Now all those in my view quite admirable suggestions were rejected in favour of a temple for shall we say the victorious and the triumphant side uh and again the choice was, what do you do, you have a small shrine, you make it a public spectacle, you call thousands of people including as we are now seeing the richest industrialists, the most famous film stars, etc, you telecast it to all of India.”

Calling the reshaping of Hinduism for politics, he said, “This is an important point one must make. What the BJP and Hindutva are doing is the reshaping the nature of Hinduism. Hinduism is not a congregational faith. It is not, we do not have a holy text like the Bible, we do not have a holy city like Mecca. We don’t all have to congregate in our thousands to show how devout we are. Hinduism has been historically a disaggregated decentralized faith with people can worship in their homes, in their Puja room, in the local temple, to a local God, to a village deity, to a family deity. Now this is an attempt to make a consolidated Hinduism for the political benefit of the BJP.”

“We don’t have to congregate in thousands to show how devout we are” says @Ram_Guha – he further adds – we are not a congregational faith.

Ok सीडीए बाबू, कुंभ का मेला सुने हो क्या? pic.twitter.com/uxIceQI0ci

— Alok Bhatt (@alok_bhatt) December 21, 2023

Guha surely is a Hindu in Name only, as he is unaware of the congregations of Hindus during Kumbh Mela in the north or the Mahamaham in the south or the recent festivals of Karthikai Deepam at Tiruvannamalai which saw lakhs of Hindus participate in the festivities or the Surasamharam festival at Tiruchendur.

Throughout the video, both Karan and Guha are seen melting down with Guha saying, “Hindu Faith does not require a huge monument worship”; Karan Thapar’s meltdown over the Ram temple being bigger than Jesus’s birthplace is very visible. He says, “Something else is very apparent about the Ram Temple, it’s going to be the biggest grandest monument to Ram ever built in India that is the clear expressed intention of the BJP and that is very different as I noticed to the Church of the Nativity which is the birthplace of Jesus in Bethlehem nothing is likely to outshine the ram temple in India but the Bethlehem Church is a small and architecturally unimpressive compared to say St Peter’s in the Vatican to the Hagia Sophia in Old Constantinople and indeed even to the Pisa Cathedral built in Yamoussoukro in far away Côte d’Ivoire. Those are huge monumental pieces but this will be even grander and very different to the Church of the Nativity where Jesus was born, so that’s another contrast, isn’t it? Jesus’s place is small inconspicuous and hardly noticeable; the Ram Temple will be very different.”

Guha “cautions” India, urging the nation to steer clear of the divisive majoritarian trajectory that has caused turmoil in Sri Lanka, where Sinhala Buddhists sought to establish dominance over Tamil Hindus. He said, “India’s example is somewhat akin to Sri Lanka. It had an educated professional class, it had very very high rates of literacy, low infant mortality, excellent indicators of health, education, fabulous destination for tourists, with its ancient sites as well as its coast and then the Civil War happened. Why the Civil War happened, because the Sinhala speaking and Buddhist afferring Buddhist faith afferring majority said, we must put the Tamils who are the Hindus in their place and imposed their language Sinhala, and their faith Buddhism on the whole of the island. If that Civil War had not happened, I am convinced that Sri Lanka would have become one other South Asian Southeast Asian tiger, it would have had the levels of high standards of living and a free society of the kind that South Korea and Taiwan now enjoy. It may even have been the case that the software boom that has occurred in my hometown Bangalore could have happened in Sri Lanka because of the high level levels of education, because of their high degree of gender equality. So that is really the cautionary example we should think about. “

Towards the end of the interview, Thapar quotes Guha’s article where Guha states that he cannot celebrate the new temple. He states: “As a Hindu myself, I cannot bring myself to celebrate this new temple.” The article cites two reasons for this – “he lived in North India during those bloody years when the Babri masjid was destroyed and thousands of innocent people, mostly Muslims, lost their lives in frenzied rioting.” When asked about it, Guha explains, “I lived in North India from 1988 to 1994. This was a time when the Ayodhya movement was at its most intense, its most active, its most passionate and it spawned a series of riots all across northern and western India. It polarized as you know families communities Villages and I visited Bhagalpur after the 1989 riots and that was, I think it remains the most troubling and traumatic experience of my whole life and I’ve had others too I mean I’ve been in Bastar in the midst of the civil war between naxalites and the Indian State and the kind of Insurgency and the suppression by the state. I’ve seen tribals squeezed by both sides and all the suffering and so on but that was really troubling and traumatic and the slogans during that the rioters who were wanted, the people who wanted the Ram temple built and angry young men were going around looking for Muslims to attack shouting Pakistan ya Kabristan. That was the slogan of that time. You run away to Pakistan or we will off with your heads. We will kill you, we will send you to the graveyard. Now this is the background to it. It, of course, it mystifies me how the Supreme Court could reward the party that had led to this bloodshed and mayhem, not just the destruction of a particular structure, I mean I don’t mourn that structure that’s evidently unmournable the Babri masjid but the thousands of lives lost, the hundreds of thousands of people displaced, families that poison suspicion hatred communal antagonism in the minds of millions of people tens of millions of people across Northern and Western India, that’s and what will this do to reconcile any of that so I can’t see it, I mean I can’t welcome it frankly.”

The second reason he wrote in the article as to why he would not celebrate the temple, was, “I do not believe that to affirm or proclaim my faith I must do so in front of, or inside, a colossal edifice costing thousands of crores of rupees to build.” In the interview, when asked about it, Guha said, “I think faith is a personal thing, but it comes not just from growing up in the family I did but being also from being a lifelong student of Gandhi and his ways and Gandhi was deeply religious.” He also adds an aesthetic reason for his not wanting to celebrate the temple, he says, “We go and visit the Brihadeeshwara temple a thousand years later for its beauty, for its architectural beauty, you don’t have to be Hindu. Will people be going to this temple a thousand years later? One can’t say, I won’t be around, my descendants won’t be around. And then I say it a democratic concern that this is not the country, this does not represent the country that the makers of our Constitution, that the leaders of our freedom struggle wished to build.”

As for Ramchandra Guha, it is ironic that someone with Bhagwan Ram’s name can have such bizzare thoughts about the temple being built itself, goes to show the rot leftist ideology can have on someone.

The entire interview gives the impression that Guha and Thapar used the platform to express their frustration and apprehension about the growing popularity of the temple and the Hindu awakening, evidently because they, as Hindus In Name Only (HINO), do not align with the more pronounced Hindu identity embraced by the majority of the country.

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The post “Historian” Ramachandra Guha And The Wire’s Karan Thapar Suffer Meltdown Over Ram Janmabhoomi Temple Being Built At Ayodhya appeared first on The Commune.

The controversy surrounding leftist propaganda portal NewsClick has exposed how the leftist ecosystem with relationships beyond the borders of India have influence in the Congress party. But this is not a new phenomena and has been prevalent since the time of Jawaharlal Nehru.

Individuals influenced by leftist ideology have walked the corridors of power under the Congress. Former Indian Army Chief of Staff (COAS), General Prem Nath Thapar, who led the Indian Army during the 1962 conflict with China was one such man.

The story goes something like this, Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru had a deep mistrust when it came to the military. In fact, after India’s independence, Nehru was of the belief that the country was in no need of a military when the police could provide security. 

It was such arrogant naivete and mistrust of the army, that in 1959, he appointed Gen Thapar as the COAS over Lt General SPP Thorat who was recommended by General Kodendera Subayya Thimayya whom he along with then Defence Minister VK Krishna Menon disliked. 

Nehru, who by then had achieved demigod status, wanted an army chief who would ply to their whims. Also, General Thapar became a relative when he married Bimla Bashiram Sehgal, sister of Gautam Sahgal, whose wife Nayantara Sahgal was a daughter of Vijayalaxmi Pandit and therefore niece of Jawaharlal Nehru.

In the 1950s, Nehru’s singular ambition was to be known as a great world leader and statesman, and for that to happen, he would go to great lengths. For example, he refused, twice when India was offered a seat as a permanent member of the United Nations Security Council in favor of China.

Other examples are his needless seeking of UN interference in Kashmir, the loss of Aksai Chin, and the Indus Water Treaty. Nehru believed that by using soft power, diplomacy, and appeasement he would be regarded as the messiah of world peace in the post-Second World War, post-colonial Cold War period.

However, by not listening to the advice given by General Thimayya who wanted Gen Thorat to take over, Nehru was responsible for India’s loss in 1962.

Instead, Nehru superseded six officers and appointed Lieutenant General Brij Mohan Kaul as the Chief of General Staff from 1961–1962.

Kaul’s meteoric advancement was clearly not based entirely on merit or on the basis of his Service dossier. Competent observers were of the opinion that Menon’s aim was to clear the way for him to succeed Thapar as the Army Chief. No one doubted that it was Kaul who would run the Army, with Thapar as the amiable, nominal Chief.

General Thorat was called a man of great character and strategic vision and he will remain one of the best Army Chiefs India ever had. Having closely assessed Chinese military tactics when he was the chief of the Custodian Force of India he rightly predicted as early as 1959, that China had designs in Tibet.

In the book The Unfought War of 1962: An Appraisal, by Raghav Sharan Sharma, he mentions that Lt General B.M. Kaul was a distant relation of Indian Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru and  VK Krishna Menon who was the then Defence Minister appointed Lt General B.M. Kaul as Chief of General Staff, against the recommendation of the outgoing Chief of Army Staff, General K.S.Thimayya. The reason Gen Thimayya had opposed Kaul was he was an Army Service Corps officer, with no prior combat experience and had never commanded a fighting unit earlier 

This was the beginning of the end and as it is mentioned in the book, The Himalayan Blunder, “With the eclipse of General Thimayya, General Thorat’s claims to be the Chief were waived aside and General Thapar’s seniority was invoked to promote him, in April 1961. General S. D. Verma, who was commanding Ladakh and who held similar views to General Thorat, was superseded, his seniority being ignored. The truth is that officers who opposed the indiscriminate opening of posts were ear-marked for elimination. There was no room for practical, professional views in Mr. Nehru’s quest for political survival in the face of a militant Opposition. In April 1961 General Thimayya was retired, General Thorat was pensioned off and General Verma, a man of principle, resigned immediately he was superseded” (Page 73, 74, The Himalayan Blunder Brig John Dalvi)

As mentioned, Nehru had deep suspension of the military and in the name of development, he ignored the need of the armed forces. How they operated with limited resources and materials is another story altogether. After Generals Thorat and Verma were pensioned off at a time when India was in need of “surplus military talent”, Nehru should be held responsible to have dispensed with the services of these capable men. In many ways, the symptomatic advancement of Gen Thapar and the elevation of Gen Kaul as the COAS was of India’s limited preparations for war with China. In 1962, the Indian military was led by men who were inadequate. 

The story of Gen Kaul and General Thapar are intertwined as both manage to curry favor from Nehru.

Here is an excerpt from the book, The Himalayan Blunder:

“He (Kaul) managed to keep himself away from hardship and learning the nuances of a military commander as a junior officer and later in service, managed to grab important Army senior command appointments due to his “pull”. His involvement with Jawaharlal Nehru later turned out to be a major reason for the shameful loss and massacre of Indian troops at the hands of the Chinese”

K. Satchidananda Murty wrote a biographical book about President Sarvepalli Radhakrishnan, named Radhakrishnan: His Life and Ideas. In the book, he quoted the former president as having expressed doubts over the capability of Lt General B.M. Kaul.

Excerpt from the book:

“The General Officer was well known in the Army and Political Circles to be a “personal favorite” of Jawaharlal Nehru since his junior officer days. He reportedly received a number of undue professional favors throughout his career due to this personal connection and he made full use of this opportunity with utter disregard to the Army organisation”.

To end, as Brig Brig John Dalvi writes, “A Chief must act fearlessly both in peace and war, especially if he is being hustled into a military course which he feels may land the nation in disaster. To put it mildly, Gen. Thapar’s tenure was notable only for his conformity with the prevailing mood of Government. He foresaw the impending doom but was too helpless to influence events. The Nehru-Menon-Thimayya episode of 1959 had far-reach effects on the authority and role of the Service Chief”.

The Thapar Family

It all starts with his father, Dewan Bahadur Kunj Behari Thapar of Lahore who had made his fortune during the First World War as a commission agent for the colonial British Indian Army. However, the loyalty of Dewan Bahadur Kunj Behari Thapar was tested on April 13, 1919, after the Jallianwala Bagh massacre, also known as the Amritsar massacre.

Such was his loyalty, on the same evening after the massacre and as a member of the Golden Temple management (the predecessor of the SGPC) Gen Reginald Dyer was presented Dyer with a Kirpan (sword) and a Siropa (turban) along with Rs. 1.75 Lakhs contributed by Kunj Bihari Thapar and others. (As per this report in India Today.)

For his loyalty, Kunj Behari Thapar was awarded the Most Excellent Order of the British Empire in 1920. (Copy of the Edinburgh Gazette).

As the family was rich, powerful, and influential, it is not beyond the realm of possibility one of his sons Pran Nath Thapar received an appointment at the Royal Military College, Sandhurst, passing out on 4 February 1926 as a second lieutenant.

During the height of the 1962 war, the Indian Air Force wanted to bomb the Chinese army positions which according to many in the Air Force, Gen Thapar overruled as he had the support of Defence Minister VK Krishna Menon. Even today, India enjoys significant air superiority over Tibet against the Chinese air force.

Such decisions finally led to the routing of the Indian army that had fought valiantly. Thapar who had resigned in disgrace was later appointed as Indian Ambassador to Afghanistan from August 1964 to January 1969.

But for India, the family’s shadow post-independence was still long. His son is Indian journalist Karan Thapar and his niece is none other than Historian Romilla Thapar who was one of the key architects in undermining the findings of the Archaeological Survey of India in the Ayodhya Ram Temple case.

The Thapar family is mostly of the leftist ideology but has always lived life like a feudal lord. 

(With inputs from Hindu Post)

(Balaji is a political commentator and columnist. He tweets at @LaxmanShriram78) 

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