For over fifteen years, Bihar was caught in the grip of a regime that many remember today not for social justice or empowerment, but for terror, lawlessness, and systemic collapse. Lalu Prasad Yadav, who swept to power in 1990 as a “charismatic champion” of the poor and backward castes, and later his wife Rabri Devi, soon presided over a period so infamous it became etched into the national lexicon as “jungle raj.”

This phrase didn’t emerge from thin air. It described a lived reality: a state where kidnapping for ransom was normalized, women feared stepping outside their homes, children were exiled by their parents for safety, and criminals wielded more power than police officers. Today, as Bihar continues to recover from that trauma, the dark imprint of those years – 1990 to 2005 -remains a potent warning of what happens when populist politics devours governance.

The Rise of Lalu – and the Collapse of the State

When Lalu Yadav became Chief Minister, his slogan “gareeb ka raj” (rule of the poor) resonated with millions. He represented long-marginalized OBCs and promised to upend the entrenched upper-caste dominance in Bihar’s power structure.
But the dismantling of the old elite was not replaced by an inclusive system. Instead, the state’s institutions were hollowed out. Police, courts, bureaucracy – all fell prey to corruption, criminal intimidation, or political interference. Gangsters like Mohammad Shahabuddin became law unto themselves, running extortion and murder operations from their political perches with state complicity.

Crime exploded. Bihar’s infamous kidnapping industry didn’t merely target businessmen or professionals; it devoured even children. By the late 1990s, abduction had become so rampant that the term “kidnapping tax” entered everyday parlance. Families that could afford it began pulling their children out of Bihar altogether, sending them to boarding schools across India. Those who remained lived in constant fear.

Women: Prisoners in Their Own Homes

Perhaps no group bore the brunt of Lalu’s misrule more than women. With law enforcement paralyzed, sexual violence surged. Women from upper-caste families were often targets of politically charged humiliation; marginalized women suffered in silence with little hope of justice.

The case of Champa Biswas, wife of an IAS officer who was abducted and assaulted, shook the conscience of even hardened cynics. If the powerful weren’t safe, who was?
Families responded by pulling girls out of school, enforcing curfews, or rushing into early marriages—anything to protect daughters from a climate of terror. Public life became a male preserve. Even government hospitals and police stations, supposed safe zones, offered little refuge for women.

The Great Exodus: Children Sent Into Exile

The “boarding school phenomenon” became a symbol of elite and middle-class Bihar’s despair. Families from Patna, Muzaffarpur, and Bhagalpur began sending their children to Pune, Delhi, and Bangalore, not for better academics, but for survival.

Parents continued living in Bihar, often under stress and financial strain, just to fund their children’s safety elsewhere. Some never brought their children back. Others watched as their sons and daughters grew up with only fragmented ties to their home state.
Meanwhile, public schools in Bihar deteriorated.

As families fled, teachers lost motivation, infrastructure crumbled, and dropout rates soared. Jungle raj had not only chased away Bihar’s next generation, it had gutted its future.

“Bhurabal Hatao”: Caste Politics and the Cult of Division

Lalu’s tenure wasn’t merely an administrative failure, it was a period of deep social division. While the backward caste mobilization under his leadership was historic, it was also weaponized against upper castes in dangerous ways.

The slogan “Bhurabal hatao”, (literally meaning “remove brown hair”), but actually a coded reference to upper castes like Bhumihars (landowners), Rajputs, Brahmins, and Lalas (Upper caste Kasyatha) – became a populist war cry. Though never officially endorsed, it was widely circulated and, more importantly, implemented through discrimination and, in some cases, violence.

Upper-caste professionals faced social ostracization. Land grabs became common. Shops and establishments owned by “bhurabal” castes were vandalized or boycotted. The atmosphere of caste confrontation wasn’t about uplifting the oppressed, it was about humiliating the erstwhile dominant.

The Vanishing Surname: Identity in Hiding

One of the most profound psychological consequences of this era was the phenomenon of upper-caste families erasing their own surnames. In India, surnames are social identifiers – markers of community, history, and caste. Under Lalu Raj, they became liabilities.

Fearful of being targeted, families stopped using “Singh,” “Mishra,” “Prasad,” or “Verma.” In school forms and job applications, names were shortened or altered to double names – second/last names would be Kumar or Ranjan or Raj – a few popular people from that era with double names include Prashant Kishor, Ajeet Bharti. While this was common among the boys/men, women used Kumari as their last name.

Children grew up unaware of their full caste identities, a phenomenon sociologists have likened to cultural amnesia.
This wasn’t a social revolution; it was self-erasure born of fear.

The Economic Freefall

The reign of jungle raj was also an era of devastating economic stagnation. Investment dried up. Professionals and business families fled. The extortion racket ensured that any entrepreneurial ambition was strangled at birth.
Even rural Bihar didn’t escape. Agricultural infrastructure collapsed. Flood relief schemes became scams. Corruption was so endemic that it ceased to shock. In urban centers, power cuts were routine, roads cratered into dust, and hospitals resembled haunted ruins. Meanwhile, unemployment surged. Young people either migrated or languished in frustration. For those who stayed behind, poverty became both chronic and normalized.

Fodder Scam and the Symbolism of Loot

Nothing encapsulates Lalu Yadav’s misrule more than the infamous Fodder Scam. Public funds meant for cattle feed amounting to nearly ₹1,000 crore were siphoned off through fake invoices and collusion at every level of government.
While the scam eventually led to Lalu’s conviction and incarceration, it also became emblematic of the era’s rot. It was not just theft; it was the collapse of governance masquerading as socialism. The very institutions tasked with delivering justice and services had become criminal enterprises.

The Collapse of Trust

What jungle raj truly destroyed was not just infrastructure or economy but public trust. Courts became temples of delay. Police became enforcers for the powerful. Bureaucrats, even honest ones, either fell in line or faced transfer and humiliation.
This complete loss of institutional credibility meant that Bihar’s citizens looked not to the state for help, but to private solutions – bribes, musclemen, or migration. In many ways, this breakdown of faith was more damaging than even the kidnappings or caste wars.

Nitish Kumar’s Long Recovery: From Ruin to Reform

When Nitish Kumar assumed office in 2005, Bihar was in institutional collapse. Decades of corruption, criminal-politician nexus, and complete administrative paralysis had left the state in ruins. Over the next two decades, Nitish undertook a methodical recovery project – one that emphasized both structural governance and social transformation.

His government cracked down on organized crime and overhauled the police force, bringing notorious gangsters to justice. Infrastructure was prioritized: rural roads were built, electricity reached previously neglected villages, and schools began functioning again. Governance, long absent, slowly returned. Courts processed cases, services resumed, and most crucially, public trust began to recover.

Central to Nitish’s model was the empowerment of women. Recognizing their potential as agents of change, he launched targeted welfare schemes – free bicycles for schoolgirls, the Jeevika self-help group network, and direct cash transfers like the Dus Hazari Yojana. These initiatives brought women into public life, enabled them to vote, work, and contest elections, and created a new generation of politically aware citizens.

By 2025, this transformation bore electoral fruit. In a historic shift, women voters outnumbered men by nearly 10 percentage points at the ballot box. Many were beneficiaries of Jeevika or girls who had come of age after the fall of jungle raj. Their vote wasn’t just about development; it was a moral verdict. The trauma of the 1990s jungle raj was not forgotten, and when Lalu Yadav’s son, Tejashwi, tried to bring the RJD back to power, it was these women who firmly shut the door.

While Nitish’s tenure hasn’t been without flaws, his frequent political realignments drew criticism, his impact is undeniable. Two decades on, Bihar is not a model state, but it is a functioning one. And that, given where it started, is a profound achievement.

In rejecting the past and embracing governance, Bihar’s voters – especially its women, cemented a historic transition: from jungle raj to janata raj.

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The post The Fall And Fallout of Lalu Yadav’s Jungle Raj: A Look At Bihar’s Years Of Fear, Flight, And Failure appeared first on The Commune.

The 2025 Bihar assembly election will be remembered not only for the unprecedented sweep by the National Democratic Alliance (NDA) but also for the spectacular collapse of the RJD-Congress grand alliance, which recorded its worst performance since 2010, winning only 35 seats against the NDA’s formidable 202.

The Mahagathbandhan did not lose because of a single weakness; it disintegrated because of a cocktail of internal quarrels, leadership missteps, incoherent messaging, and disastrous strategy. From the beginning, the alliance functioned less like a coalition and more like a family locked in constant disputes. The Mahagathbandhan came across as a quarreling group, unable to hide its mistrust and power struggle.

Tejashwi Yadav wanted to assert himself as the undisputed leader, while Congress refused to accept a secondary role, and this friction burst into the open. Rahul Gandhi’s disappearance after the Voter Adhikar Yatra left Tejashwi stranded, while smaller partners such as Mukesh Sahani and CPML loudly demanded their share.

The episode where Tejashwi travelled to Delhi for the land-for-jobs hearing but reportedly left in anger without meeting Rahul Gandhi symbolized the disconnect. The alliance never recovered from the bitterness caused during seat-sharing talks, and each party ultimately ran its own campaign. Workers refused to transfer votes to partners, while the NDA showcased unity and disciplined messaging, strengthening its credibility in the eyes of voters.

The projection of Tejashwi Yadav as chief ministerial candidate further deepened the divide. Congress leaders later admitted that announcing Tejashwi as CM face was a strategic mistake many felt he carried too much political baggage and lacked the credibility that the political discourse, shaped by Prashant Kishor’s development and merit narratives, now demanded.

His lack of higher education and his association with the so-called jungle raj era made many voters skeptical. Ashok Gehlot’s late intervention as Congress troubleshooter failed to patch up the widening rift, and his scripted speech in Maurya only highlighted the disconnect between Delhi and the ground reality. Posters dominated entirely by Tejashwi signalled that the RJD had sidelined Congress.

The decision to declare Mukesh Sahani as deputy CM candidate alienated core Muslim and Mahadalit voters, who saw the NDA as a more reliable benefactor through schemes such as the Lakhpati Didi initiative and cash transfer programs.

Rahul Gandhi’s campaign performance shattered the myth that he could galvanize a state election through charisma alone. By the time he returned from his Latin America visit, the Congress had already “missed the bus.” His entry into the campaign appeared mechanical, lacking energy and purpose. His theatrics, including the now-infamous jump into a pond in Khagaria, raised eyebrows even within the Congress.

Voters felt these stunts were unbecoming of a Leader of the Opposition who often accuses Prime Minister Modi of indulging in theatrics. Rahul Gandhi’s speeches on migration felt dated and disconnected from Bihar’s political mood, which had shifted toward development, welfare delivery, infrastructure, and youth aspirations domains dominated by Nitish Kumar’s governance record and Prashant Kishor’s narrative. Priyanka Gandhi Vadra, usually an impactful campaigner, had a minimal presence, appearing almost like a supporting act. This weakened the Congress’s overall mobilization.

Rahul Gandhi’s insistence on making SIR (vote chori allegations) the central campaign issue proved disastrously ineffective. Bihar voters were not interested in allegations of election manipulation; they were far more concerned with jobs, welfare, inflation, and stability. The Voter Adhikar Yatra drained the alliance’s manpower at a critical time. Even RJD leaders admitted that the yatra consumed resources and energy without delivering any electoral benefit.

While Rahul fixated on SIR, the NDA focused on delivering a positive narrative: improved welfare schemes, governance continuity under Nitish, and women-centric policies. This sharpened the NDA’s appeal among female voters, who constituted a stable and decisive support base. The Congress thus campaigned on an issue that resonated nowhere and ignored the pulse of the electorate.

Seat-sharing chaos finally brought the Mahagathbandhan to the brink. Negotiations stretched endlessly between Patna and Delhi, worsening tensions as days passed. Without senior leaders like Lalu Prasad Yadav or Sonia Gandhi playing a mediating role, there was no strong authority to hold the alliance together. Congress leaders, emboldened by Rahul Gandhi’s directive to negotiate firmly, dug in their heels over certain “winnable” seats.

Krishna Allavaru’s uncompromising stance only escalated the conflict. The alliance reached a breaking point when parties began contesting against each other in over a dozen constituencies, effectively cannibalizing their own vote base. Nothing damages an alliance more than internal competition, and this self-inflicted wound proved decisive.

In the end, the Mahagathbandhan did not lose because the NDA was exceptionally strong; it lost because it was exceptionally dysfunctional. The alliance collapsed under the weight of its contradictions – leaders mistrusted each other, cadres refused cooperation, campaign messaging lacked coherence, and the coalition failed to offer a credible alternative to a disciplined and well-coordinated NDA.

The Tejashwi-Rahul partnership was built on fragile foundations, and when tested under electoral pressure, it crumbled completely. In Bihar 2025, the NDA did not defeat the RJD-Congress alliance. The alliance defeated itself.

Dr. Prosenjit Nath is a techie, political analyst, and author.

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A live discussion on IBC Tamil turned heated on Friday, 14 November 2025, after BJP leader Asuvathaman confronted the channel’s reporter Shankara Sharma over a comment made during the channel’s coverage of the Bihar Assembly election results.

IBC Tamil, one of the several Dravidian-leaning media outlets in the state, was running its analysis as counting trends showed a decisive mandate for the BJP–JDU alliance. During the programme, anchor Shankara Sharma invited BJP’s Asuvathaman to join the discussion. As soon as the interaction began, Sharma remarked: “What sir, it seems like you have stolen a lot of votes and won?”

“Are you running a channel or doing some other business? What kind of language is this?” he asked, interrupting Sharma. “Speak only after you apologise. If you don’t apologise, I will file a case.”

Sharma initially attempted to continue the discussion, saying he was merely referring to the voting trend. But Asuvathaman refused to engage further until the reporter apologised. He reminded Sharma that the channel had reached out repeatedly asking him to participate in the programme.

“It was you who begged me for an hour,” he said. “What language are you using now? Apologise first. If you don’t, things will be different.”

Realising the escalation on air, Sharma withdrew his earlier comment and issued an apology, saying: “I take back what I said, and I apologise.”

சங்கர் சர்மா என்ற உடன்பிறப்பு நெறியாளருக்கு செருப்படி பதில் குடுத்து நேரலையில் மன்னிப்பு கேட்க வைத்தார் அசுவத்தாமன் ஜீ @asuvathaman

அந்த பயம் இருக்கட்டும். pic.twitter.com/jvJAx4c7L3

— Saravanaprasad Balasubramanian (Modi ka Pariwar) (@BS_Prasad) November 14, 2025

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The post IBC Tamil Dravidianist Journo Shankara Sharma Apologizes On Air After BJP Leader Asuvathaman Slams His For Baseless ‘Vote Theft’ Remark On Bihar Election Results appeared first on The Commune.

In a dramatic electoral twist, the high-profile intervention of Tamil Nadu Chief Minister MK Stalin in the Bihar assembly elections appears to have had a negative effect for the Congress and RJD.

The BJP won Muzaffarpur with 1,00,477 votes with a thumping 32,657-vote margin, the very constituency where MK Stalin canvassed votes.

Just a few months ago, Stalin stood alongside Congress leader Rahul Gandhi and RJD’s Tejashwi Yadav at a massive rally in Muzaffarpur, where he sharply criticized the Election Commission’s Special Intensive Revision (SIR) exercise. His rhetoric, framing the voter list revision as an attempt to disenfranchise opposition supporters, was meant to resonate with Bihar’s voters and showcase his growing stature within the I.N.D.I. bloc.

However, as counting trends solidified, BJP candidate Rakesh Kumar established a commanding lead of over 32000 votes in the same constituency, delivering a significant blow to the opposition alliance.

Did DMK’s Anti-Hindi Politics Cost Votes For Congress-RJD?

For years, the DMK has built its politics on aggressive anti-Hindi posturing, turning language into a battlefield and Hindi speakers into convenient punching bags. Inside Tamil Nadu, this rhetoric may energise the Dravidian base. But outside the state — especially in the Hindi belt — it creates deep resentment, suspicion, and a sense that the DMK views north Indians as culturally inferior or unwelcome.

DMK leaders have repeatedly taken potshots at Hindi-speaking states, mocked Hindi speakers working in Tamil Nadu, and painted the north as intellectually backward or socially regressive. These aren’t harmless quips; they reinforce a perception that the DMK’s worldview stops at the borders of Tamil Nadu. When such remarks circulate nationally, they don’t remain “Tamil Nadu-specific politics” — they become a stain on every party that chooses to ally with the DMK.

This is where the Congress–RJD alliance walks straight into trouble. Their silence on DMK’s anti-Hindi outbursts signals tacit approval and ends up alienating the very voters they desperately need across Bihar and Uttar Pradesh. The BJP doesn’t even need to invent narratives — it simply points to DMK’s own words to claim that the opposition coalition disrespects Hindi speakers. And in the Hindi-speaking heartland, respect and recognition matter far more than clever political theories.

Even worse, the hypocrisy is obvious to voters. While loudly decrying “Hindi imposition,” several DMK leaders privately benefit from Hindi-medium education and CBSE schools. Voters see this for what it is: elitist double-speak. It weakens Congress and RJD further, making them look like partners to a party that mocks the very people whose votes they seek.

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The post Bihar Election Result: BJP Wins And Congress-RJD Faces Massive Loss In Constituency Where MK Stalin Campaigned; Did DMK’s Anti-Hindi Politics Cost Congress-RJD Votes? appeared first on The Commune.

Union Home Minister Amit Shah, on Thursday, launched a sharp attack on Congress leader Rahul Gandhi over his recently concluded Voter Adhikar Yatra and termed it as an infiltrator saving campaign.

“Rahul Gandhi did not come to Bihar on a Voter Adhikar Yatra but on a ‘Save the Infiltrators Yatra’. His tour was not about education, jobs, electricity, or roads for Bihar, but about protecting infiltrators from Bangladesh. It was nothing less than an Infiltrator Rescue Tour,” Union Minister Shah said while addressing Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) workers at Dehri in Bihar’s Rohtas district.

The Union Minister asked BJP workers to take this message to the people. “Should infiltrators get the right to vote? Should they get free ration, jobs, housing, and Ayushman Bharat medical treatment worth Rs 5 lakh while our country’s youth are left behind?” he asked. Accusing the Opposition of misleading people, Union Minister Shah said, “Rahul Gandhi and company are giving jobs to vote-bank infiltrators instead of our youth. If their (Opposition-led) government is formed by mistake, infiltrators will spread everywhere in Bihar.”

He added that the BJP would never allow the SC/ST/OBC reservation system to be dismantled, saying, “As long as even one BJP MP is in Parliament, reservations will remain protected.” He also praised the Prime Minister’s dedication, noting that Narendra Modi has served as the Chief Minister and Prime Minister for 24 years without taking a single day’s leave.

In an indirect swipe at Rahul Gandhi, he added, “Some leaders cannot sleep if they don’t go abroad every six months. But PM Modi always put the country first, then the party, then the party workers — never his family.” Union Minister Shah also responded to Rashtriya Janata Dal Chief Lalu Prasad Yadav, who had recently questioned Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s work.

“Lalu Prasad Yadav asked what PM Modi has done so far. I want to remind him — between 2004 and 2014, when he was a Union Minister, Bihar received Rs 2.8 lakh crore from the Centre. But from 2014 to 2024, under PM Modi, Bihar has received Rs 9.85 lakh crore,” he said. Admitting that the BJP had underperformed in the Magadh and Shahabad regions in the 2020 Assembly election, Union Minister Shah urged his party workers to ensure a strong poll performance this time.

“We must ensure NDA’s victory in more than 80 per cent of seats here. All workers should pledge that 80 per cent of these seats go to the BJP,” he said. Union Minister Shah addressed BJP workers from Bihar’s Shahabad and Magadh regions in Dehri, where he hailed the achievements of the Narendra Modi government.

“Could you have imagined that a Ram temple would be built in Ayodhya in 11 years? But PM Modi laid the foundation stone and consecrated it with the chants of ‘Jai Shri Ram’. He abolished Article 370, ended triple talaq, introduced the CAA, carried out surgical strikes, air strikes, and Operation Sindoor to destroy terrorists inside Pakistan. He even sent a spacecraft to the Moon’s South Pole and named it ‘Shiv Shakti Point’,” he said.

The Union Home Minister highlighted India’s rise on the global stage, claiming that the Indian economy has grown from 11th to fourth position under PM Modi’s leadership. He also announced that a Sita Mata temple worth Rs 800 crore is being built in Sitamarhi.

“By reducing GST rates, the burden on the kitchens of mothers and sisters has been reduced by 20 per cent. Bihar’s poor have benefited the most, with 81 crore people across India receiving free ration,” he added. Listing the NDA government’s welfare measures, Union Minister Shah said, “As many as 56 crore bank accounts were opened for the poor, 42 crore beneficiaries under Ayushman Bharat, 15 crore households provided tap water, 12 crore homes built toilets, 10 crore homes given gas connections, four crore families given housing, and 1.5 crore citizens became millionaires through entrepreneurship and support schemes.”

He predicted a massive victory for the NDA in the upcoming Assembly polls in Bihar, saying, “This time our majority will be such that the Opposition will be completely marginalised. Tejashwi Yadav will not even dare to contest the next Assembly election.” Directly targeting RJD Chief Lalu Prasad Yadav, Union Minister Shah said, “A government of ransom, kidnapping, and murder can never bring prosperity. Bihar needs a government under Narendra Modi and Nitish Kumar. Only this double-engine government can ensure development.”

The programme was also attended by Deputy Chief Minister Samrat Choudhary, State BJP President Dilip Jaiswal, Ministers Santosh Singh and Prem Kumar, party in-charge Bhikubhai Dalsaniya, former MP Gopal Narayan Singh, and MLC Nivedita Singh, among others.

-IANS

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The post “Rahul Gandhi Came To Save Infiltrators, Not Bihar’s Youth”, Says Union Home Minister Amit Shah appeared first on The Commune.

Prime Minister Narendra Modi on Tuesday said he is anguished and deeply pained over the abuse and insult meted out to his mother from a political stage in Bihar and said that this was not just an insult to his late mother but all the mothers of the country.

Slamming the ‘gaali politics’ and falling political discourse in poll-bound Bihar, PM Modi said that abuses and expletives were hurled at his mother, who is not even on this earth, at the Congress-RJD rally venue, and this has left him deeply hurt.

“As a son, it is a very painful moment for me. I never imagined such a level of politics,” he said, addressing the gathering of women in Bihar via video conferencing. Tearing into Congress-RJD, PM Modi said that the abuse was not just targeted at his mother, but all the mothers of the country have been left humiliated and added the people of the state will not forgive them for such a profane act.

PM Modi also invoked ‘naamdar and kaamdar’ to hit out at the Opposition and said that such abusive conduct was because of their privileged mindset and their belief that those with a poor background remain at their mercy of affluent. He said that naamdars (those belonging to privileged families) consider it their right to abuse and humiliate kaamdars, a term referring to people like him who made their own destiny on the back of hard work.

“Those born in privileged families will never understand the pain and suffering that our mothers go through in raising their children; they can never comprehend what sacrifices our mothers make throughout their lives,” PM Modi said.

PM Modi also took note of ‘tu tadak’ language on the Bihar electoral turf, a reference to Rahul Gandhi’s speech during the Voter Adhikar Yatra and said that such thinking was a reflection of their anti-women mindset. He also called upon the youth of Bihar, including men and women, to demand accountability from those political parties, at every public rally, who don’t respect and recognise the contribution of women in our lives.

“I may forgive you for such brazen insult, but this land of Bihar will never forgive those who hurl abuse at our mothers,” PM Modi remarked. –IANS mr/dpb

-IANS

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The post “Every Mother Insulted, Painful Moment For Me”, PM Modi Slams Congress-RJD For Abusing His Late Mother In Bihar appeared first on The Commune.

The Bihar Police Headquarters (PHQ) has issued a statewide high alert after receiving intelligence inputs about the possible entry of Pakistan-based terrorists into the state through the porous Nepal border.

According to intelligence sources, three individuals believed to be affiliated with the Pakistan-based terror group Jaish-e-Mohammed (JeM) reportedly infiltrated Bihar by crossing over from Nepal. The suspects have been identified as Hasnain Ali from Rawalpindi, Adil Hussain from Umerkot, and Mohammad Usman from Bahawalpur.

In response, the PHQ has circulated their names, photographs, and passport information to police units in all border districts, directing heightened surveillance and verification efforts.

Reports suggest the suspects arrived in Kathmandu in the second week of August and made their way into Bihar during the third week. With the Bihar Assembly elections approaching, security agencies are on high alert amid concerns about potential terror threats during the election period.

Senior police officials across the state have been briefed, and district intelligence units have been instructed to ramp up field monitoring, gather actionable information, and respond swiftly to any suspicious developments.

Authorities are concerned that the infiltrators could be plotting a significant terror attack, possibly targeting the poll-bound state or other regions in India.

This development comes just months after a similar security breach in May, when 18 individuals illegally entered Bihar over a span of 20 days. One of those apprehended was found to be a Khalistani-linked operative.

Bihar’s extensive 729-kilometre open border with Nepal continues to pose a serious security challenge. Seven districts in the state share this international boundary, complicating efforts for round-the-clock monitoring. Additionally, the proximity of the Bangladesh border just 20 km from Kishanganj district adds another layer of vulnerability.

(With inputs from News 18)

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The post Bihar On High Alert: Pakistan Origin Jaish-e-Mohammed Terror Suspects Allegedly Infiltrated Via Nepal Border appeared first on The Commune.

In a major crackdown on human trafficking, prostitution, orchestras and dance groups, Bihar Police rescued 112 minors and women from exploitation during a special state-wide campaign “Operation Naya Savera” conducted from July 31 to August 14.

The victims include 41 minor girls, 7 women, and 64 minor boys, said ADG (Weaker Sections) Amit Kumar Jain at a press conference held at Sardar Patel Bhawan, Police Headquarters in Patna on Monday. During the operation, 50 human traffickers, including 28 men and 22 women, were arrested, and 24 FIRs were registered.

Launched on the occasion of International Human Trafficking Prevention Day (July 30), the campaign targeted victims trapped in human trafficking, child labour, prostitution, orchestra and theatre groups, with a focus on rehabilitation.

As part of the drive, 19 orchestra/theatre groups were busted in districts including Patna (2), Kishanganj (7), Purnea (3), Rohtas (3), Madhubani (1), Araria (3), Saran (29), and Bettiah (1). 63 victims of child labour were freed from Patna (23), Sitamarhi (21), Vaishali (4), Katihar (3), Bagaha (1), Madhubani (3), Narkatiaganj railway station (2), and Sasaram railway station (6). The rescued victims also include 3 from Nepal, 13 from West Bengal, 4 from Uttar Pradesh, and one each from Odisha and Jharkhand.

ADG Jain further said that from January 2025 till now, police have registered 329 FIRs in trafficking-related cases across districts, rescuing 1,016 victims, including 217 minor girls, 77 women, and 722 minor boys. A total of 250 traffickers have been arrested and sent to jail under BNS provisions. Recognising exemplary efforts under the campaign, the Saran district was awarded the first prize, while Patna stood second.

In addition, the ADG highlighted ongoing initiatives of the CID Weaker Sections. “Since the establishment of a counseling cell in 2021, 157 applications related to family disputes have been received till August 17, 2025, of which 142 cases have been resolved, including 56 through mutual settlement,” Jain said.

A special helpdesk for trans women (bisexual women) has also been created at the police station level. The existing women’s helplines in 855 police stations will now function additionally as trans women helpdesks, guided by newly issued SOPs to ensure accessibility and speedy resolution of their cases.

-IANS

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In a major crackdown under Operation Naya Savera, Saran police in Bihar rescued 10 minor girls from four orchestra parties in the district on 13 August 2025. The rescue took place around 10 am following a coordinated raid led by Senior Superintendent of Police (SSP) Kumar Ashish.

The victims include six girls from West Bengal, one from Odisha, one from Jharkhand, and two from Bihar, were rescued during the raid. Police are working to contact their families for a safe handover. Seven accused have been arrested for allegedly exploiting the minor girls. They are identified as Neeraj Yadav (father Lalbabu Rai), Gopal Badi, Masrakh PS, Saran, Talib Khan (father Narhum Alam Mian), Khaira, Khaira PS, Saran, Shubham Kumar (father Shivnarayan Prasad), Gopal Badi, Masrakh PS, Saran, Junab Hussain (father Abdul Hussain), Sahva Nawada, Isuapar PS, Saran, Ankit Kumar (father Kanhaiya Bhagat), Mirzapur, Madhaura PS, Saran, Mohammad Bittu Hashmi (father Mohammad Minsharif Hashmi), Isuapar PS, Saran, and Chandan Kumar Tiwari (father Gautam Tiwari), Sunauli, Masrakh PS, Saran.

The interrogation is currently underway to find some clues about the other accused. The arrested men will be produced in the district court for the legal proceedings. The raid followed instructions from the National Human Rights Commission (NHRC), with three squads from the Mahila Thana and one team from Isuapur police station conducting simultaneous raids targeting Rahul Orchestra, Sangeeta Orchestra, Muskaan Orchestra, and Vipin Orchestra operational in Mashrakh and Isuapur blocks of the district.

According to SSP Ashish, the minors were being tortured and forced to dance. Police have registered an FIR (Number 74/25 in the women’s police station and are continuing raids to nab the remaining accused. “The Naya Savera operation was started in August, and it will continue till 14 August. We appeal to the public to share information about such activities so we can take swift action,” the SSP said. The district police are also tracking the interstate human trafficking gang operating in the area.

-IANS

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The post 10 Minor Girls Rescued From Orchestra Parties In Bihar’s Saran Under Operation Naya Savera appeared first on The Commune.

The Election Commission of India (ECI) on 30 July 2025 issued a strong rebuttal to viral social media posts claiming that a dog named “Dog Babu” was issued a residence certificate under Bihar’s Special Intensive Revision of Electoral Roll (SIR) drive, allegedly making it eligible to vote.

The claim, amplified by multiple political figures, including Shiv Sena (UBT)’s Priyanka Chaturvedi, Congress’ Supriya Shrinate, and activist Yogendra Yadav, shared what appeared to be an official residence certificate issued in the name of a dog, complete with a photo and parental details humorously listed as “Kutta Babu” and “Kuttiya Devi”.

The viral document triggered widespread outrage and mockery, raising questions about the integrity of the voter registration process. However, the ECI has now issued a clarification under its #ECIFactCheck banner, labelling the document as “INCORRECT”.

The Commission stated: “Vote of every citizen is important. No voter of Bihar has given such document to the Election Commission.” The rebuttal emphasised that no such residence certificate has been officially submitted or considered valid in any electoral process.

#ECIFactCheck

हर नागरिक का वोट महत्वपूर्ण है।

बिहार के किसी भी मतदाता ने ऐसा दस्तावेज चुनाव आयोग में जमा नहीं किया है।

Vote of every citizen is important.

No voter of Bihar has given such document to the Election Commission.#SIR #Bihar https://t.co/APYXO1Vrqx pic.twitter.com/RGSbkFcuaY

— Election Commission of India (@ECISVEEP) July 30, 2025

The document in circulation appears to be fabricated or misused to create political controversy during the SIR campaign, aimed at cleaning and verifying voter rolls in the state. Officials from Bihar’s Revenue Department, whose stamp appears on the fake certificate, also confirmed the image was doctored and had not been issued by any authorised government office. The certificate ID number and QR code seen in the image do not correspond to any legitimate entry in the state database.

The controversy erupted amid heightened political tensions, with opposition parties accusing the government of mismanaging the electoral roll update process. The Aam Aadmi Party (AAP) and several Congress leaders mocked the ECI, suggesting animals could now be enrolled as voters under the BJP-led administration.

-IANS

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The post ECI Debunks Viral Dog Voter Claim Shared By Congress Leader Supriya Shrinate appeared first on The Commune.