References to Brahmins can be found in the earliest Tamil literature, such as the praise for the sage Gautama in the Tamil work Silappatikaram, who served in the court of Senguttuvan’s predecessor. The Tolkappiyam, from an earlier era, speaks of the victorious Brahmin. Mulam Kilar of Avur, in a poem from Purananuru, lauds the learning and character of Brahmin Kauniyan Vinnam Thayan of Cholanadu, highlighting his efforts against the penetration of Buddhism in Tamil land and praising his faithful performance of sacrifices.

During the British Raj, anti-Brahmin sentiments were actively promoted by both British administrators and writers. Figures like J.H. Nelson portrayed non-Brahmins as superior, while Charles E. Gover’s “The Folk Tales of South India” contained anti-Brahmin rhetoric. Bishop Robert Caldwell, associated with the Dravidian Movement who seeded the thoughts of the narrative vehemently attacked Tamil Brahmins. The rise of EV Ramasamy (EVR) and the Justice Party from 1930 onwards intensified anti-Brahminism, with periodicals like Viduthalai and Justice launching scathing attacks on Brahmins. EVR’s works, along with CN Annadurai’s ‘Aryamayai,’ ridiculed Brahmin rituals and practices, accusing them of propagating casteism and superstitions. Although popular support for the anti-Brahmin tirade has waned over time, the Dravidar Kazhagam, founded by EVR, continues vehement anti-Brahmin rhetoric in its publications today.

When Annadurai left the Dravidar Kazhagam to form the Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam (DMK), they recognized mass media as a crucial tool to disseminate their ideology. This led to the production of films condemning what they perceived as Brahmin oppression and advocating social reform and atheism. The film “Parasakthi,” featuring a controversial scene of a temple priest attempting rape, marked the beginning of an era with more films supporting the Dravidian ideology. “Vedham Pudhidhu” by Bharathiraja portrayed a non-Brahmin boy learning music from a respected Brahmin and falling in love with the guru’s daughter.

The same continues today in films like “Annapoorani” with blatant propaganda is easily recognizable, but in “Ayalaan,” a more subtle and insidious approach is employed for comic relief. The scene featuring Siva Karthikeyan riding a brakeless cycle in a narrow street, causing someone to fall into a sewage drain, may last only 5 seconds, but it is a calculated effort. The choice to depict a specific character, dress them in a certain way, and undergo multiple retakes suggests a deliberate intent to generate laughter. If it were solely for humor, the character falling would have been portrayed as an “identity-less” individual. However, the clear intention is to derive cheap laughs from the audience, particularly targeting a certain demographic. The film’s portrayal of the villain and his corporation named “Aaryan Industries” adds another layer to the narrative, drawing parallels to the portrayal of Manu Builders in “Kaala.” This hint shows the director or production unit’s affiliation to Dravidian ideology to get some favors later. 

On-the-face propaganda films like Annapoorani get noticed easily.

But in Ayalaan, a subtle, cheap trick is used for evoking laughter.

When SK rides a brakeless cycle in a small street, one !yer mama falls into the sewage drain.

This is a 5 second clip, but its not… pic.twitter.com/PcIoWEqmEq

— Tamil Labs 2.0 (@labstamil) February 10, 2024

Crafting such a scene requires a level of calculated malice, involving the meticulous storyboarding, casting, and execution to perpetuate a harmful stereotype. This deliberate portrayal of a Brahmin character falling into a ditch not only aims to entertain but is part of a larger narrative within the Dravidian project. The first facet of this project involves presenting Brahmin men as effeminate, cowardly figures, devoid of masculinity, surviving through scheming and betraying lower castes to the antagonist. These characters are deliberately made comical caricatures, reinforcing a narrative that justifies going after Brahmin women.

The second aspect focuses on depicting Brahmin women as objects of desire, discontent with their own community and yearning to be rescued from the supposed Brahminical oppression. This scene, lasting a mere five seconds, adds to a century-long pattern of portraying Tamil Brahmins as clowns, reinforcing the harmful perception that they are deserving of mockery. It is a continuation of the sustained assault on Tamil Brahmins through the medium of Dravidian art and cinema, leaving a lasting impact on the minds of millions of Tamil youth.

The title “Ayalaan,” meaning alien in Tamil, takes on a peculiar significance as it intertwines with an unexpected and seemingly unrelated subplot. In a striking example of calculated narrative manipulation, the film introduces the above random scene of a Brahmin falling into a ditch. This element appears to be a deliberate insertion, emphasizing the level of meticulous planning and execution involved. The scene doesn’t contribute to the main storyline but rather stands out as an anomalous addition, suggesting a certain criminal passion in the storytelling process.

The film’s connection to an alien subject becomes evident when an alien is depicted entering “Aaryan Industries,” adding an additional layer to the narrative. This seemingly random and disconnected insert reflects the lengths to which the filmmakers went to weave an unnecessary and derogatory portrayal of Brahmins into the fabric of the movie. It underscores a deliberate attempt to perpetuate harmful stereotypes and continues the century-long assault on Tamil Brahmins through the medium of cinema.

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The post Sivakarthikeyan’s Ayalaan Peddles Usual Dravidianist Tropes About Brahmins, Inserts Unrelated Brahmin Character To Mock appeared first on The Commune.

Union Finance Minister Nirmala Sitharaman visited the flood-affected regions of Thoothukudi district on 26 December 2023. During her visit, she engaged with residents in various locations, including Korampallam, Maravanmadam in Thoothukudi Taluk, Murapanadu Kovilpathu in Srivaikuntam Taluk, and Manathi, Therku Valavallan in Eral Taluk, covering a total distance of approximately 120 kilometers. The Finance Minister directed the officials to expedite assistance to all affected individuals.

In Srivaikuntam, local residents informed Smt. Sitharaman about the severe impact of the floods on horticulture in the area. They explained that extensive agricultural land had been covered with river sand, rendering it unsuitable for cultivation. In response, the Finance Minister instructed district officials to take necessary measures to provide relief to horticultural farmers in the region.

Nirmala Sitharaman also paid a visit to the Vaikuntanathar Perumal Temple at Srivaikuntam where she inspected the chariot procession path that was ravaged by the floods. A video of her interacting and directing the officials inside the temple has gone viral on social media.

During the Brahmotsavam, the procession of the deity would go through the path that is behind the temple. However, that path was being used like an open-air public toilet by a few people leading to unbearable stench. When the Finance Minister was at the temple, a devotee had appealed to her to do something about getting the path cleaned.

Nirmala Sitharaman immediately ordered the officials to take the matter into cognizance and do the needful.

One person (probably an official) can be heard saying that a fencing would be erected soon.

Nirmala Sitharaman said that BJP Tamil Nadu’s floor leader in the Assembly, Nainar Nagendran would come and inspect whether the job has been completed or not in 15 days or a month.

“If the job isn’t completed even after one month, I will come down here. Will it happen when I come? I will stand right there until the fencing is completed. No matter the work (I have). Alright?“, she can be heard telling the officials assembled at the temple.

She then makes snide remarks at the Joint Commissioner of Hindu Religious & Charitable Endowments (HR&CE) of Thoothukudi region asking him whether he listened to their grievances. The Joint Commissioner can be seen fumbling in front of the Minister.

“Perumal during the procession is coming through that path. They are asking you to clean the path which is being used like a public toilet.”, Nirmala Sitharaman says.

An official can be heard saying that the path would be guarded with proper fencing.

BJP MLA Nainar Nagendran asked how much would it cost to which Finance Minister Nirmala Sitharaman says “Why are you worried about that?”

Taking jibes at the HR&CE department for not giving enough renumeration to the temple archakas, Nirmala Sitharaman says to the BJP MLA “For giving ₹3000 to these priests they (HR&CE) measure carefully like they do in ration shops. They would definitely have enough money remaining with them. They can’t pay them (archakas) salaries. Because there is a reason for that. They won’t have a problem in repairing the street/path.”

She further adds “If you ask like that, they would say they’ve no money and you would also arrange CSR funds. No way!”

As she makes that comment, a devotee from the crowd can be heard saying that he can arrange ₹30,000 to which Nirmala Sitharaman replies “Wait brother! Don’t put it in the Hundi (donation box). You give wherever you want as you deem fit. Let them use the money they’ve to build it.”

She then goes on to warn the HR&CE Joint Commissioner saying “Don’t take it lightly thinking that I am talking candidly in a joking manner. They’re not asking you anything else. They’re asking you to get the path through which Perumal comes cleaned and maintained.” to which the official assures that he will get it rectified.

However, the DMK supporting Dravidian Stockists have unleashed vile casteist abuses at Nirmala Sitharaman invoking her Brahmin identity.

A rabid anti-Hindu Dravidianist handle promoted by senior DMK leaders (including the likes of DMK Minister PTR Palanivel Thiagarajan) said “Instead of looking at the damage caused by rains, it takes the mindset of cruel psycho to dig into what’s wrong with the Perumal temple procession route #தட்டேந்தி_நிம்மி”. 

The hashtag (Thattendhi Nimmi) in Tamil means “Nimmi holding the plate”, a casteist abusive reference pointing at her Brahmin identity as Brahmin priests survive on the donations made in the archana plate.

95 சென்டிமீட்டர் மழை அடிச்சு தாக்கியிருக்கு. சேதத்தை பார்வையிடறதுக்கு பதிலா பெருமாள் கோவில் ஊர்வலம் போற பாதைல என்ன பிரச்சனைன்னு உக்காந்து நோண்டுறதுக்கெல்லாம் ஒரு கொடூரமான சைக்கோ மனநிலை வேணும் #தட்டேந்தி_நிம்மி pic.twitter.com/CKNUUwJQlu

— பூதம் (@angry_birdu) December 28, 2023

Another Dravidianist handle wrote: “Those who once told us to not come inside the temple are today saying if you come temple, don’t put money in hundi but put it in Iyer’s plate.”

கோவிலுக்கு உள்ளேயே வர கூடாதுன்னு ஒரு காலத்துல சொன்னவனுங்க…

இன்னைக்கு கோவிலுக்கு வந்தா உண்டியல்ல காசு போடாதீங்க..

அய்யர் தட்டுல போடுங்கனு சொல்றானுங்க…#தட்டேந்தி_நிம்மி pic.twitter.com/UEFh7u0VYa

— shanmugamchinnaraj (@shanmugamchin10) December 27, 2023

Here’s another from the same person.

அப்போ வெள்ளத்தை பார்வையிட வரல…

மாமா லாம் நல்லா சௌரியமா கோவில் சொத்தை ஆட்டைய போடுறாளானு பாக்க வந்திருக்கிங்க…#தட்டேந்தி_நிம்மி pic.twitter.com/xcXws9Dopu

— shanmugamchinnaraj (@shanmugamchin10) December 27, 2023

Another Dravidianist DMK supporting handle @syedusaincumbum (Dravida Vizhudhu) wrote: “This Nooliban (equating sacred thread/poonol wearing Brahmins to Taliban) will go anywhere to beg with their plates even if it is a toilet.”

தட்டு ஏந்தி பிச்ச எடுக்க கக்கூஸ் னா கூட போயிடும் இந்த நூலிபான் கூட்டம்#தட்டேந்தி_நிம்மி pic.twitter.com/GosjXhb5gI

— திராவிட விழுது (@syedusaincumbum) December 27, 2023

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The post DMK Supporting Dravidianists Abuse Fin Min Nirmala Sitharaman Invoking Her Brahmin Identity, She Had Asked HR&CE Dept To Prevent Temple Path Being Used As Public Toilet appeared first on The Commune.

In yet another instance of DMK supporters and Dravidianists spewing venom against Brahmins, a prominent Dravidianist named “Dr Arvind Raja” on X (formerly Twitter) targeted Carnatic singer and performer Sivasri Skandaprasad by making casteist abuse and sharing pictures of her in western clothes.

Arvind Raja who claims to be a CEO and a “brain specialist” said “That Paapaara (casteist slur for Brahmins)… Sorry Sorry.. Bharathiya Traditional Maami (a sexist and derogatory reference to Tamil Brahmin women)“.

Sivasri Skandaprasad is a well established Carnatic singer and performer. She had also sung the Helhe Neenu number for the Kannada version of Ponniyin Selvan – Part 2.

Arvind Raja had targeted Sivasri for her speech in which she emphasized on the importance of wearing Indian clothes over western clothes.

She had said “We are going outside wearing pant-shirt for our convenience. It is not our dress code. In the name of formals, we wear coat-suit and go outside. It is not our dress code. We’ve had a certain dress code suitable to our climatic conditions for ages. We’ve to boldly come outside wearing Indian/Bharatiya dress saying this is our formals.”

மாமி மட்டும் சவுரியத்துக்கு பேண்ட் டிசர்ட் போட்டு சுத்துமாம்.. மத்தவன் மட்டும் யுகங்கள நொட்டணுமாம்.

எத்தனை வருசமானாலும் இதுக வெஷம் மட்டும் மாறுறதே இல்ல. pic.twitter.com/lufUI2bm6A

— Dr.Aravind Raja (@AravindRajaOff) November 7, 2023

Dravidianists and DMK men including several of their leaders have time and again targeted Tamil Brahmin women and spewed casteist and sexist venom against them.

Palanivel Thiagarajan

Former DMK IT wing chief and currently IT Minister in Stalin’s cabinet once invoked a caste identity of a woman journalist and abused her just because she posted on social media that a top leader’s son is involved in a mega land grab. He had also targeted another Brahmin woman journalist Sandhya Ravishankar several times.

Kannabiran Ravishankar (KRS)

A Dravidianist close to the DMK establishment, Kannabiran Ravishankar has made several derogatory and vulgar remarks against Tamil Brahmin women objectifying them. He had even used private photos of Tamil brahmin families including that of children to spew the Dravidian ‘anti-Brahmin’ vitriol. Read more about KRS and his anti-Hindu, anti-Brahmin tweets here. Kannabiran has been platformed and promoted for long by the top brass of the DMK.

Dayanidhi Maran

Dayanidhi Maran, has made several casteist remarks against Brahmins and in particular against Union Finance Minister Nirmala Sitharaman.

He said, “Anitha’s (the girl who died by suicide in 2017 after being unable to secure a medical seat) brother spoke here today and he said 2017, the year Anitha died, was an important year. Why do you think is it an important year? It is because in 2016, J Jayalalithaa passed away and BJP wanted to use every opportunity to come to power with the help of the “slaves” and that is why they sent “Nirmala Mami”. Ok, they sent Nirmala Sitharaman. What she does is (laughs, as someone points out why he mentioned the word Mami – he responds by saying, I said it inadvertently.)

Former Justice Chandru

A Dravidianist and a Communist, former Justice Chandru made casteist and misogynist comments on Finance Minister Nirmala Sitharaman calling here a “Oorga Ammaiyar” (pickle lady)

“Like Pickle Lady (a derogatory term targeting Tamil Brahmin women), he is attempting to become a Rajya Sabha member from Karnataka.”, he had said implying that BJP leader Annamalai’s aspirations mirror those of Nirmala Sitharaman, who he referred to as ‘Oorka Ammaiyaar.’.

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The post DMK Supporting Dravidianist “Dr” Aravind Raja Makes Casteist Abuse And Cyberbullies Carnatic Performer Sivasri Skandaprasad appeared first on The Commune.

Once again Brahmins find themselves in the midst of not one but different debates. On one end of the country, the already miniscule minority of Kashmiri Pandits are being hunted down by terrorists.

On the other end, a spokesperson of the ruling DMK is worried that a genocide of the Tamil Brahmin community did not happen as advocated by ‘Periyar’ E.V. Ramaswamy Naicker. 

Outside India, tech-giant Google, incidentally headed by Brahmin, is being accused of caste discrimination for cancelling the event of an alleged ‘activist’ whose intention seems questionable.

Despite being at the centre of the debate, this much-targeted community remains silent, keeping to themselves and just going about their work. It is precisely because of this that the community finds itself at the receiving end.

But not all will take it lying down. There will be occassional voices atleast to document these happenings so that generations to come will stumble upon a piece of evidence that will highlight the plight of the community today. 

Many members of the Tamil Brahmin community have migrated over the years. While warriors of ‘social justice’ argue that Tamil Brahmins migrated in the quest for greater and better opportunities, they brush aside the political circumstances that drove them. 

Before I go on elaborating my position, let me say that I am a Tamil Brahmin entrepreneur who is yet to migrate. I hope I may not migrate out of Tamil Nadu even for a short period.

The genesis of the political movement against Brahmins or the Non-Brahman Movement, as American historian Eugene F. Irschick would say, can be traced back to the developments in the mid-1910s wherein Non Brahmin Forward Castes (NBFC) played a pivotal role in mobilising the public opinion against Brahmins.  The NBFCs were all feudal castes, owning lands and dominating trade. They were pro-British as well. Brahmins, once subjugated to them, lived on the alms or the grants given by the NBFCs in line with Dharmic traditions for centuries. The great philanthropist, Pachaiyappa Mudaliar (1754-94), supported many Veda Patashalas and Manali Muthukrishna Mudali patronised  Muthusamy Dikshithar (1775-1835), the youngest member of the venerated composers, Trinity of Carnatic Music.  Brahmins, in turn, looked after the business of their benefactors, offered counsel and took care of their ritualistic requirements. 

A Brahmin-Vellala alliance lasted centuries. With the advent of Macaulay education in the late 19th century, the Brahmins, who were among the first to take to it despite being conservative otherwise, started finding employment with the British or private enterprises, apart from setting up their own institutions, right from law firms to banks. Empowered by English education, the Brahmins, in no time, became rivals to these castes in all spheres. 

And, after the Indian National Congress was established in 1885, the Brahmins were in the forefront of spearheading the party in the struggle against the British. 

Nearly for the next 50 years, they had provided leadership to the Tamil Nadu unit of the Congress. The Brahmins had also reaped the benefits of the first mover advantage. Right from film industry to hotel industry to bureaucracy to judiciary, they gained prominence. The Brahmin teachers, a rarity in government-run schools and colleges in Tamil Nadu these days, were the norm then. A leading Tamil writer, Jeyamohan, acknowledges the pivotal role played by Brahmin teachers in delivering quality education to the public.

It was in December 1916 that the NBFCs came out with a document, “Non Brahmin Manifesto.” Quoting the document, Prof. Irschick, in his seminal work of 1969,  ‘Politics and Social Conflict in South India, the Non-Brahman Movement and Tamil Separatism, 1916-1929’,  stated that the non-Brahman groups such as the Chettis, Komatis, Mudaliar (Vellalas) and Naidus (Balijas), which “have been making rapid progress [in the field of education],” had, however, been “groping hopelessly” in the background, “because of the subtle and manifold ways in which political power and official influence are often exercised by the Brahmin caste.”  This document signalled the formation of the Justice Party to take on professional rivals of the NBFCs. 

But, the Congress, after the emergence of Mahatma Gandhi as the central figure, became a party of the masses. Its leaders were able to build a much larger social coalition, uniting Other Backward Castes (OBCs), Schedled Castes (SCs) and minorities. In most of the electoral battles, either prior to Independence or post-Independence till 1967, the Justice Party and its offshoots suffered defeat when they took on the Congress. A party of elites, the Justice Party, romped home only once – in 1920. In the elections to the Legislative Council, which was how then the legislature was called, the party’s success became possible essentially due to the boycott of the Congress.  The Justice Party’s Council of Ministers was largely drawn from Telugu polygars and zamindars. On the contrary, in 1937, the Ministry formed by the Congress in the Madras Presidency had a balanced mix of SC, Backward Classes (BCs) and minorities, representing all the four major languages spoken in the Presidency.

The Congress, which came back to power in the 1946 elections, went on to hold power till 1967. K Kamraj was its tallest leader, respected and revered across the spectrum. The advent of Kamaraj as the guiding light of the Congress in Tamil Nadu in 1940, wittingly or unwittingly, paved the way for “de-Brahminisation” of the Congress.  The political arena becoming accessible to wider sections of society in the wake of the country gaining Independence in 1947 and the establishment of the Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam (DMK) in 1949 made the Congress party alienate Brahmins politically even though R. Venkataraman, who was the country’s eighth President (1987-92), is still remembered widely for his contribution to the industrialisation of the State in the formative stages of the country.  The side lining by the Congress of the Brahmins did not happen abruptly but gradually and quietly.

Satyamurti, the political mentor of Kamaraj and the contemporary of C. Rajagopalachari (CR) Rajaji, was the last president of the Tamil Nadu Congress Committee (TNCC) hailing from the Brahmin community, and this happened in 1935.  His two attempts to get re-elected as President in 1936 and 1939 met with failure, the reasons for which were not far to seek.

Then came 1967, one of the defining moments of Tamil Nadu’s contemporary political history. An offshoot of the Justice Party, the DMK, largely identified with Mudaliars till then, captured power with the help of CR’s Swatantra, Communists and Muslim parties and became a party accepted by a large section of the populace.

Slowly and steadily, the Brahmin community got marginalised from the political and social spectrum in the state. It began with teacher’s recruitment. Teachers are the opinion makers. You can’t institutionalise anti Brahminism if Brahmin teachers are around. It began there. The Dravidian ecosystem cleverly played the cards here.

M. G. Ramachandran, who was Chief Minister during 1977-87, had abolished the hereditary Village Administrative Officer (VAO) system, further crippling the community’s power.  After he failed in his bid to implement the concept of creamy layer in the reservation for the BCs, he shocked everyone with his decision of hiking the quantum of reservation for BCs from 31% to 50%, in addition to the quota for SC/STs. His protege, Jayalalithaa, a Brahmin by birth, had got a constitutional safeguard for the 69% reservation, disincentivising the community from even thinking about appearing in competitive examinations conducted by the government bodies including the Tamil Nadu Public Services Commission (TNPSC).

And politically too, the community, which once had a dozen MLAs in the ‘50s, had just one or two in the ‘80s and ‘90s. Today, it has nil representation in the House.  Communities which are numerically smaller than Brahmins have a dozen MLAs even now. The parties including the AIADMK and the Congress, which could have given the community at least 8-10 seats in proportion to their strength in the State’s population, refused to oblige fearing backlash from their adversaries and allies who gave none to the community members. In July 1979, MGR, a week after his government’s move on creamy layer, advocated the inclusion of economic criterion, and not caste, as the basis for determining backwardness for the provision of educational facilities. But he did a somersault after suffering a drubbing in the 1980 Lok Sabha polls. The defeat was for a different reason but pundits in the anti–Brahmin ecosystem attributed it cleverly to his “radical views” on the quota.

ADMK was a party with a difference. ADMK did not resort to anti-Brahmin rhetoric or discourse like its rival but the policy actions of the party to ensure the power trickles down to the last man had a big impact on the community. Such moves to trickle down power in a democracy are inevitable and happened throughout the country. But in a state like Tamil Nadu, such trickling down happened along with a propaganda of hatred and vilification of the Brahmin community attributable to the influence of the Dravidar Kazhagam on the political arena.

Political alienation of the community was complete in the early 1980s. The political story ends there. Social stature ended with abolition of hereditary VAOs. Meanwhile, recruitment by PSU banks, Railways and various Union enterprises helped the youth of the community find employment in big numbers for three decades – from the 1950s to 1970s.

With the youth finding jobs outside their villages and moving out, the community left agriculture, sold their lands and houses in villages lock, stock and barrel in the 1980s and the 1990s. The community migrated big to the capital city of Chennai, leaving behind desolate and dilapidated Agraharams. With the sale of agricultural lands, the community’s grip over land holdings went down dramatically.

The community moved on overcoming the challenges despite the hatred propagated by the fringe and systemic denial of opportunities. They took up education seriously. The Brahmin youngsters made use of the opportunities ushered by liberalisation of 1991 which was a God send to the community and went places.

They adapted to the forces of the market and migrated to every nook and corner of the country and the world. Yes, a sizeable number from the community migrated because of opportunities created by liberalisation. But what made them look out for such opportunities despite Tamil Nadu being the second largest economy in the country? One needs to look deep into that.

With the advent of Dravidar Kazhagam (DK), there was a perceptible rise in incidents of violence against Brahmins like cutting their tuft and sacred threads in the state. Admirers of the DK founder, E.V. Ramasamy Naicker or Periyar, boast of such incidents even today. Once someone undergoes such trauma, one will definitely feel the need to migrate out. Is it fair to think about not migrating when subjected to such trauma?

The fringe vilifies the community, ridicules and stereotypes them at every opportunity. The only advice Brahmin parents who underwent such ridicules and harassments gave their kids was “Better seek work in private companies where there are no such harassments or move abroad at the earliest to escape from such unpleasant episodes and endless ridicules”. 

Harassments have reached a stage now when fringe elements driven by hatred call for genocide of Brahmins in social media openly and discreetly. And not to forget, a Tamil news anchor in a live show went on to abuse a debater from the community by singling out his caste and stereotype him.

It is time that the usage of 'Mylapore', 'maama', 'maami' in certain contexts is called out for casteism. You will also see a lot of woke ambis resorting to it. They are just looking for cheap validation from the powers that be in TN.

— K Balakumar (@kbalakumar) August 14, 2021

It is next to impossible for a Brahmin to become a councillor or an MLA or an MP anymore. Data available in the public domain over the last 50 years support this as the community has never got anywhere close to a proportionate representation in policy making legislature and councils. A peep into the community-wise admission list for the last 10 years, available on the websites of TNPSC and the Directorate of Medical Education, will clearly reveal that Brahmins of the State are almost left out in the state public services and medical service. 

The hatred propagated by the fringe resulted in ‘de-Brahminisation’ across fields. If the hatred was missing like other states, many members of the community would not have felt a compelling need to migrate. People who say the community migrated purely seeking better opportunities fail to see this angle. 

Having said these, I do not want to stereotype and commit the mistake our detractors do. I really love my fellow Tamilians, cutting across all castes. They have not fallen prey to this campaign of the fringe and they shower us with all love and affection as our neighbours and friends. I am confident that the bonhomie and the bond, which date back to the stone age, will grow from strength to strength and the peaceful coexistence will continue for centuries. The fringe elements built a narrative vilifying us for all the ills plaguing the state, alienated us politically, ended our presence from the government colleges and services and, in various domains such as film industry and medicine, but failed to break the bond that we share with our fellow Tamils. And majority of the community still lives in the state peacefully thanks to such wonderful neighbours. 

The Brahmin community is the most inter-mingled community in the state now. It has the least number of Protection of Civil Rights (PCR) Act cases against it and there is no case of honour killing concerning it. Needless to say, it mingles with other communities through marriages. The community has reformed itself and come a long way. But the detractors are still stuck in the past.

It is time that those who say we migrated out of choice and opportunities put an end to this hatred and vilification campaign of Tamil Brahmins by the fringe in social media, institutions and in public discourse.

But for a poor Brahmin, U Ve Swaminatha Iyer, most of Tamil language’s priceless literary treasures would have got lost eternally. The detractors do not even have the broadmindedness to name a Tamil University after him. May Tamil Thai give them a broad mind to acknowledge his deeds. And, contributions of the community to Tamil literature right from Agasthiyar to Kabilar to Nakeerar to the various Azhwars and Nayanmars to Subramania Bharati do not get due recognition. And the state has not given its due to even Nobel Prize winners from the community like Sir CV Raman, Dr Subrahmanyam Chandrasekhar, and Venky Ramakrishnan. There is not a single university named after the great mathematical genius S Ramanujam in the state. And not to forget, literary genius like Ashokamithran, epigraphists like Iravatham Mahadevan and Mr Nagaswami too don’t get their due for obvious reasons. Such is the parochial nature of the anti-Brahmin ecosystem in the state.

On the front of industry and economy, the automobile hub, which the State takes pride in and calls itself as Detroit of South India, was incubated, nurtured and grown predominantly by the entrepreneurs hailing from this maligned community. This hub employs millions today. And, the top honchos and entrepreneurs from the community helped the city of Madras evolve as an IT services hub again providing jobs to millions of Tamils. The entrepreneurs from this community like Zoho’s Sridhar Vembu are taking development even to the remotest part like Tenkasi and help tier 2 cities like Madurai emerge as the next big IT hub.

The Tamil Nadu model of growth ushering in prosperity and growth is no doubt better than other famed models of growth like Gujarat statistically but it could have been all the more inclusive and greater by not “Othering’ the Brahmins despite the community’s stellar contribution to literature, culture, policy making and the economy of the state. Not to forget, the community was at the forefront rendering social justice in a big way right from the Temple Entry Act of Rajaji to providing constitutional protection of 69% reservation by Jayalalithaa and PV Narasimha Rao. The community is as Tamilian and Dravidian as any other group living in the state.

The community has given a lot to the State despite the relentless vilification. They will contribute even more in the coming decades as well because Tamil Nadu is their homeland.

உற்ற தேகத்தை உயிர் மறந்தாலும், எங்கள் தாய் மண்ணை நாங்கள் மறக்கமாட்டோம்!

May this vilification campaign end for the good soon.

But until then, will someone muster the courage to speak up for the community?

 Vazhga Tamil!  Vazhga Tamil Nadu!

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The post Who Will Speak Up For The Tamil Brahmins? appeared first on The Commune.