Well-funded Christian organisations with an agenda, are aggressively lobbying (one could call it, bullying) the state governments of Andhra and Telangana for the extension of Scheduled Caste (SC) benefits to persons even after converting to Christianity. The two Telugu states are scheduled for elections within a year – Telangana’s elections are to be held before the end of this year and Andhra Pradesh’s is expected to take place in the first half of next year. 

A powerful, well-organised network of Christian organisations and church leaders many of whom receive questionable foreign funding, have chosen the pre-election time frame for demanding the repeal of a current state directive (A.P 1998 circular memo) seeking verification of religion and questioning the eligibility of SC converts to Christianity for making use of their previous Hindu caste-based government benefits such as reservations, economic and financial schemes and other special privileges granted at the Central and State level. 

Back in 1977, when the impending dangers of a well-oiled Christian-evangelist-conversion-machine were relatively unknown, the Andhra Pradesh government had circulated a General Order (GO) that sought to give consent for extending special SC benefits meant for Hindu SC members, to those members that converted to Christianity or Buddhism. This state proposal had its share of challenges and two decades later in 1998, the Andhra Pradesh government indirectly tried to address this vote bank sensitive issue by releasing a 1998 memo in favour of conducting local, on-the-spot religious identification and verification by local government officials in order to ascertain eligibility for SC government benefits primarily meant for members of Hindu SC community as stated in the Indian Constitution. 

Now, just in time for elections, the Christian organisations are lobbying for the disregard and scrapping of the circular memo issued in 1998 by the erstwhile unified Andhra Pradesh state Social Welfare Department with regard to the verification of an individual’s religion when in doubt and thereafter confirmation of the individual’s eligibility for utilisation of their previous or current Hindu caste status for availing government subsidies and privileges. 

Current Indian law and census surveys require a citizen to state their caste only if the citizen belongs to any of the Indic religions – Hinduism, Buddhism, Sikhism, or Jainism. If you state your religion to be an Abrahamic one (Islam, Christianity) “caste” becomes irrelevant; the presumption is that the ‘caste’ question does not arise based on the understanding that the religions of Christianity and Islam do not recognise, include or practise any type of discrimination based on caste, which is an alien concept to them. 

Caste provisions, protections, and special considerations were included in the Indian Constitution because of caste-based discrimination experienced by the lower castes within the Indic religions. The concept of a specific caste that one is born into, which carries forth into future generations, does not exist in the non-Indic religions (although many have argued that various types of race and class distinctions have always existed around the world),  hence the logical assumption is that caste does not and should not play a role in the rights and standing of an individual that chooses to convert to Christianity or Islam.

The premise and presumption for those designated ‘Scheduled Tribe’ are different. While a scheduled caste grouping is based on specific Indic religions, a scheduled tribe grouping is based on indigenous tribal customs and beliefs unique to each tribe, their geographical locations, their socio-economic status, and the need to provide tribal people with access to means of health, education, overall well-being and other indicators of modernization. A scheduled tribe (ST) status is not linked solely to the religion practised while a scheduled caste (SC) status is based on the religion practised. For 2-3 decades now, it has been observed and controversial remarks have been made about Christian missionaries targeting tribal populations because their special “ST” status would not be impacted by religion and tribals would continue to enjoy the Indian government’s special privileges while the Christians could continue with their goal of increasing the numbers of Christian converts in India. 

The tribal-Christian scenario appears to get the best of both worlds, while many Hindu leaders worry that the primary purpose of an accorded special status for tribals is being misused, at the expense of the larger nation and ancient indigenous cultures. Christian zealots would like the scheduled tribe scenario for scheduled castes as well.  The Christian organisations are demanding the scrapping of the 1998 Andhra government memo, recommending a process of verifying the religion of SC beneficiaries first and thereafter determining their eligibility for Hindu SC government benefits, because a majority of the converted SC Christians practise the dual-identity principle whereby they are Christian in faith and belief but retain their Hindu names and backward caste certificates to continue using specially allocated government benefits meant for so-called ‘backward caste” Hindus. 

Conversions from SCs into Christianity have taken place on a massive scale in Andhra Pradesh and Telangana (formerly, the larger combined state of Andhra Pradesh). Per the 2011 Census, there are officially 6.82 lakh Christians in Andhra Pradesh, while the actual number is estimated to be between 80-90 lakhs.

Many complaints and PILs in the recent past argue that converted Christians from Hindu scheduled caste status have already misused their special rights and protections under Indian Law by continuing to use their Hindu names and scheduled caste status, thus taking up a large share of the privileges meant for their fellow SC Hindu brethren. Who’s checking their application forms and their census inputs? 

The law states that those converted to Christianity should apply for an OBC -C or BC -C category certificate (based on their state of residence) and quit utilising their previous Hindu SC or BC status. The OBC/BC -C category status offers far fewer economic, educational, employment, and financial benefits compared to the SC category which is why a majority of Christian converts continue to lie about their religion on Census forms and other important government forms that ask for caste information. The converted SC Christians are encouraged by their church organisations to continue deceiving the Indian government and State governments by misrepresenting their religion on government forms in order to pursue the misuse of government benefits and special privileges/protections specifically meant for Hindu members of the disadvantaged community. In fact, there have been instances where SC caste certificates have been cancelled by the appropriate District authorities when the potent SC/ST Atrocities Act was invoked but the complainant was found to be a converted Christian who can no longer use his SC/ST legal status. 

Citizens have also argued that Christians and Muslims often use the caste argument to denigrate Hinduism while incentivising lower-caste Hindus to convert. Hindus rarely point fingers at any of the odd, unreasonable, illogical, or fanatic beliefs embedded in the Christian and Islamic doctrines. Hence, Hindus wonder why converted, ex-Hindus should be permitted to benefit from their previous Hindu caste status for free or subsidised economic, educational, or monetary benefits at the expense of the Hindus of the nation.

Click here to subscribe to The Commune on Telegram and get the best stories of the day delivered to you personally.

The post Ahead Of Polls, Christian Orgs In Andhra & Telangana Lobby To Repeal GO Mandating Verification Of Religion For SCs appeared first on The Commune.

The bifurcation of Andhra Pradesh in 2014 has led to economic and political turbulence for the residual state. As Andhra’s Chief Minister Chandrababu Naidu grappled with building a new state infrastructure, he lost the 2019 election to Jagan Mohan Reddy’s YSR Congress. Andhra politics is now a four-way battle, including Pawan Kalyan’s Jana Sena Party.

Bifurcation in 2014

The controversial bifurcation of the erstwhile Andhra Pradesh to create Telangana in 2014, initiated by the Congress-led UPA II government at the Centre, has had mixed results for both states. Telangana had its own set of challenges. However, the newly residual state of Andhra faced the brunt of economic and financial uncertainty, as the unified state’s largest city of Hyderabad, its largest revenue generator, went to Telangana. Andhra retained the second and third-largest cities of Vishakapatnam and Vijayawada.

While Telangana’s politics centred mainly around the newly victorious Telangana Rashtra Samiti (TRS) party, claiming success in the fight for bifurcation and the creation of Telangana, Andhra’s politics have played out on the shaky grounds of loss and uncertainty. The party that won the first election of the new state of Andhra, Chandrababu Naidu‘s Telugu Desam Party (TDP), had its work cut out for the first term. It had to draw up a new charter for the new residual state from the ground up, as it did not have a capital city yet. The state’s people pinned their hopes on Naidu, given his track record as the man behind Hyderabad’s meteoric progress, development and expansion and his reputation for digitization and governance.

Chandrababu Naidu’s TDP

Naidu’s job wasn’t an easy one. With no administrative infrastructure in place – everything from a legislature building to a capital city, high court, administrative offices, police quarters and a long list of other requirements for the functioning of a state had to be ideated, planned and implemented. Known as a man with a vision and a progressive mindset, Naidu’s ambitious plans for the new state of Andhra Pradesh needed time, effort and patience. While the educated sections of society understood this, most from the lower classes did not. The second election in the new state in 2019 turned his fortunes around.

Naidu lost his previous 2014 victory to Jagan Mohan Reddy’s Yuvajana Shramika Rythu Congress Party (YSRCP), a spin off from the Congress party (INC). Reddy rode to power on a wave of welfare schemes, sops for the lower classes, significant minority appeasement promises and caste-based politics that resulted in a divided Hindu vote. In contrast, a majority of Muslims and almost a hundred per cent of Christians voted for Reddy, whose family is of converted Christian stock.

BJP

Unlike Telangana, which now has a note-worthy BJP presence in its own right, Andhra does not have a stand-alone BJP presence. It hopes to improve its tally in the state, in which its presence and influence is still small despite strategic alliances. Interestingly, the state’s BJP was in partnership with the previous TDP party in power, with blessings from the BJP top brass, but made its displeasure clear when TDP leader and previous Andhra Chief Minister, Chandrababu Naidu campaigned against it in neighbouring South Indian states, after his frustrated attempts at requesting the BJP Central government to grant Special Status to the newly created state of Andhra.

With relations going sour between the TDP and the BJP over the request of Special Status for the state and Naidu’s attempt at bringing a “third front” together, Jagan Reddy’s YSRCP was able to cash in and accomplish electoral gains in the 2019 Andhra state elections. Jagan Reddy’s criminal record and imprisonment did not deter him from ambitions of electoral victory. Reddy has a whopping 31 cases against him that he continues to seek legal council for. He has spent 16 months in jail, after the CBI arrested him on embezzlement charges and the Supreme Court refused his plea for bail.

Pawan Kalyan

Aside from the political outfits of the TDP, BJP, and YSRCP, Telugu actor Pawan Kalyan‘s entry into Andhra politics makes it a four-way content for electoral victory in the 2024 Lok Sabha elections.

Pawan Kalyan is a famous Telugu actor and the brother of yesteryear Tollywood hero, “megastar” Chiranjeevi. Pawan Kalyan’s political party, the JSP (Jana Sena Party) was launched in 2014 and hopes to reap rewards in 2024 after ten years on the sidelines.

The JSP has been gaining momentum in the state and has been in the news lately for Pawan Kalyan’s vocal criticism of Jagan Reddy’s policies and the BJP leadership’s interest in a possible tie-up with his party. In this context, the recent meeting between PM Modi and Pawan Kalyan in Vishakapatnam assumes some significance.

Alliance Possibilities

The BJP and the Jana Sena party (JSP) have been in touch for a while now. Still, the intent of a formal political relationship between the two parties hasn’t always been clear, as the BJP exercises restraint in its comments and reactions to events unfolding in the state. The BJP appears to be on agreeable terms with the current YSRCP dispensation in Andhra and may not be inclined to overtly support the Jana Sena Party on the one hand and the YSRCP on the other. Naidu’s TDP and Pawan Kalyan’s JSP are strong critics of what many in Andhra see as an authoritarian, fiscally irresponsible rule of Reddy’s YSRCP government. In recent times, Naidu and Pawan Kalyan have come together and stood united for what they claim to be the State’s interests against Reddy’s misule, corruption and financial irregularities.

The BJP’s stance on current events in Andhra politics and its possible alliance with the JSP or any others is yet unclear as it chooses to play it safe by refusing to endorse a formal allegiance with any of the Andhra parties. At a time when the BJP-Jana Sena Party alliance in Andhra Pradesh seems cloudy and lacks the transparency that the JSP’s supporters are seeking, Prime Minister Narendra Modi appears to have met with and talked to the actor and JSP president, Pawan Kalyan into keeping their ambiguous relationship intact, at least for the time being. On a recent two-day visit to the Andhra coastal city of Vishakapatnam, P.M Modi invited Pawan Kalyan for a meeting, and the duo reportedly spent over half an hour together. What transpired between them remains a mystery, but Andhra’s political observers have speculated.

Chiranjeevi

Incidentally, at the opening ceremony of the 53rd International Film Festival of India (IFFI) on Sunday, Pawan Kalyan’s elder brother, film star Chiranjeevi, was selected for the “Indian Film Personality of the Year 2022” award, announced by Union Minister, Anurag Thakur. Chiranjeevi as well as his fans were overwhelmed after the announcement which was followed by Modi’s congratulatory message. While interacting with the media on the occasion, Chiranjeevi alluded to his stint in Andhra politics and stated that unlike him, his brother Pawan Kalyan would succeed in politics and “could reach great heights with the people’s blessings”.

Conclusion

The BJP and the Jana Sena’s informal partnership appears to be back on track for now, even after the latest BJP move. Alliances are still up for grabs as Andhra inches towards the next state elections scheduled to be held in or before June 2024.

Click here to subscribe to The Commune on Telegram and get the best stories of the day delivered to you personally.

The post The Four Way Cross-Roads Of Andhra Politics: Which Way Will It Go? appeared first on The Commune.