Ever since a part-time, work-from-home and now a weekend politician dared to compare himself to the legendary leader and fondly called as “Puratchi Thalaivar” M.G. Ramachandran (MGR), the backlash has been swift and widespread and rightfully so. MGR wasn’t just a political icon; he was a selfless figure who stood by the people during their toughest times. His life was marked by unwavering service, and even in death, he donated all he had to support children with special needs. In his films, MGR preached morality he uplifted the dignity of labor, celebrated farmers, and respected those who toiled for society.

In stark contrast, actor Vijay until very recently built his on-screen persona glorifying alcoholism, smoking, and objectifying women through vulgar lyrics and suggestive scenes. To equate such a legacy with that of MGR isn’t just tone-deaf it’s an insult to the values MGR actually lived by.

Here’s why even MGR’s shadow is beyond Vijay’s reach.

Political Journey: Earned Vs. Inherited Popularity

MGR’s political entry wasn’t sudden, nor was it opportunistic. He joined the DMK under C.N. Annadurai in 1952 and spent over two decades building a credible, ground-up political career. His influence was instrumental in the party’s victories in 1957, 1962, and 1967. He won the Dindigul by-election in 1973 and eventually became Chief Minister in 1977. MGR didn’t just arrive he earned his place in Tamil Nadu’s political landscape through tireless grassroots work and ideological commitment.

In contrast, Vijay’s sudden declaration to contest for the Chief Minister’s post in 2026 reeks of ambition without groundwork. He has no proven political history, no demonstrated ideological stance, and no tangible contribution to public service. Merely invoking MGR’s name and popularity is a superficial attempt to inherit a legacy he hasn’t worked for.

Integrity & Philanthropy: Legacy Built On Sacrifice vs. Showmanship

MGR stood firmly against corruption even if it meant confronting his own party. His ousting from DMK in 1972 was the result of calling out internal corruption. He openly declared that politics must serve the people, not enrich the politicians, famously stating that those who wish to make money should do business, not politics.

His generosity wasn’t symbolic; it was transformative. Before becoming Chief Minister, he founded a free hospital and a school for the underprivileged in his mother’s name. He donated ₹75,000 to the National Defence Fund in the 1950s a sum that would be worth over ₹100 crore today. His will further cemented his selfless legacy: he donated his Ramavaram Gardens home to a school for the deaf and mute, and directed the income from his Alandur property to maintain his memorial so the government wouldn’t bear the cost.

Meanwhile, Vijay’s public image tells a different story. There are allegations of arrogance including an incident where he reportedly expelled a visiting actor Napoleon from his caravan. Unlike MGR, his political activities are allegedly financed by others, and he has fought legal battles to avoid paying taxes, notably in the Rolls Royce import duty case.

His so-called charity like distributing gifts to students in selected constituencies seems more like political theatre than genuine service. Opportunism marks his trajectory: he’s praised Karunanidhi and Jayalalithaa when it was politically convenient, even kneeling before the latter to secure the release of his film Thalaivaa. Now, he tries to hijack MGR’s legacy to gain electoral traction.

Cinema As A Tool: Social Messaging vs. Glorification of Vices

MGR used cinema not just to entertain, but to educate and uplift. He consciously avoided smoking or drinking on screen. His songs carried moral, philosophical, and social messages:

“Thungathey Thambi Thungathey” urged youth to rise and work hard.

“Thirudathe Paapa Thirudathe” warned against theft and corruption.

“Kadavul Ennum Mudhalali” praised the farmer as God’s first creation, questioning why a rich land should beg before foreign powers.

MGR’s films were a medium to instil discipline, pride in labor, and social consciousness. Even at the peak of his cinematic career in 1954, he created a school for a poor lightman’s son an initiative funded from his own pocket, not a campaign stunt. That school still operates today as a government-aided institution.

Compare this to Vijay’s cinema, In the song “Naa Ready” from Leo, he glorifies alcoholism and smoking with lyrics like “Veral Idukkula Thee Pandham Naa Yethathathan, Pathaathu Bottle Naa Kudikka Andaala Konda Cheers Adikka Cheers”. (To light a torch in the gap between my fingers (Cigarette) A bottle is not enough for me to drink. Bring the large pot to make a toast. Cheers)

The infamous “Daddy Mummy” song features suggestive lyrics promoting sexual innuendo under the guise of fun. (Daddy and mommy are not home, there is no one to stop us; shall we play a game, my love? Hey, we don’t need a playground or an umpire, and no one will lose, my love.) Such content raises questions about the values he promotes, especially among impressionable youth.

Similarly, in the film Sura, a song called ‘Thanjavoor Jilla Kaari’ featured a controversial dance sequence where Vijay is shown repeatedly pulling the actress’s pants up and down, under the guise of dance move. The dance move blatantly crossed the line of decency, reinforcing the recurring pattern of vulgarity in the portrayal of women in his films.

In yet another example, Vijay lent his voice to a song in the film Periyanna, starring his co-actor. The song, “Naan Thamatikira Style Paathu,” openly glorified smoking and drinking with lines like: “Style is style. If I smoke, it’s stylish; even if I drink rum, it’s a style. Seeing my smoking style, Dhanalakshmi fell for me; seeing my rum-drinking style, Rakkamma fell for me.” Once again, the message was clear addiction and vice were portrayed not as harmful habits, but as traits to be admired and imitated, particularly by impressionable fans.

In the film Vishnu, Vijay sang the song “Thottabetta Road Mela”, which continues his trend of objectifying women through suggestive lyrics. Lines such as, “All the lorries yield when they see me. This girl is dazed and swooning just by looking at you,” followed by Vijay singing, “Oh, seeing your sways and shakes shows you’re ‘A1’. I’m just yearning for that. Now hungry, give me a tea bun,” reduce women to objects of visual pleasure and casual desire. The song not only trivializes female representation frames lustful commentary as humour or style.

And who can forget the utterly crass moment where he shamelessly grabs Kajal Agarwal, a female cop, by the back in the film Jilla or the vulgar way in which he dances with Tamannah in Sura.

In Vijay’s film Rasigan, where he was first credited with the title “Ilayathalapathy,” and he sung the song “Bombay City” featured lyrics like, “Bombay City, dry bread, here comes a fair-skinned girl. If the red light comes here, the girl will tell good night. Just looking at her brings a fever, and naturally, an urge to pounce.” Later in another segment, “The girl, wrapped in a Kandaangi sari, is a perfect voluptuous women who is gotten caught by the Kangeyam bull.” The song was laced with double entendre and objectification, setting the tone for how women would be portrayed in many of his films that followed.

From the very beginning of his career, Vijay has consistently featured indecent depictions of women through suggestive lyrics and problematic themes.

Even in the realm of education, the difference is striking. When a lightman once brought his child to a film set, MGR noticed the boy wasn’t in school and asked why. Upon learning the family couldn’t afford education, MGR used his own money to establish a school ensuring that underprivileged children had access to learning. In stark contrast, Vijay’s CBSE school reportedly charges ₹1 lakh just for LKG admissions a figure that clearly puts it out of reach for economically weaker families.

Legacy: Living For The People vs. Leveraging Popularity

MGR remained connected to the public. His Ramavaram residence was always open, feeding thousands daily. His political image was not carefully curated it was earned through decades of consistent public service, personal sacrifice, and moral clarity.

Vijay, on the other hand, is attempting to package charisma and film fame into political capital, without any meaningful contribution to social welfare. His sudden shift from celebrity to aspiring leader is neither backed by ideology nor by public service only by convenience.

A Hollow Comparison

To compare Vijay to MGR is not only misleading it is a disservice to the legacy of one of Tamil Nadu’s most respected leaders. MGR built his identity on discipline, humility, and tireless work for the people. Vijay, at this point, appears to be emulating only the aesthetics of leadership costumes, fanfare, and slogans while lacking the essence.

If Vijay wishes to follow MGR’s path, it won’t be by invoking his name. It will require sacrifice, consistency, and an unshakable commitment to public service. Until then, such comparisons only expose the hollowness of political ambition built on borrowed greatness.

The post Vijay Glorifies Drinking, Smoking, Sexual Fantasies And Vulgarity In His Films And He Compares Himself To MGR appeared first on The Commune.

Daniel S. Courney was recently arrested in Lalitpur by Nepal’s immigration officers on allegations of preaching Christianity while on a visit visa. A resident of Nepal since 2015, Courney is accused of engaging in proselytisation in public areas including Lagankhel, Jawalakhel, and Sundhara. Authorities also discovered that he operated a children’s home in Bhaisepati housing around 20 children, along with a publishing house based in Lalitpur. Investigations are ongoing to determine whether minors were being used in religious conversion activities, and whether there was any violation of local laws related to child welfare and religious outreach.

नेपालमा व्यावसायिक भिसा लिएर ईसाइ धर्मको प्रचार गर्दै आएका अमेरिकी नागरिक Daniel S. Courney अध्यागमन विभागको नियन्त्रणमा pic.twitter.com/badYpBgzKK

— RatoPati (@Rato_pati) August 26, 2025

Who Is Daniel Stephen Courney?

Daniel Stephen Courney, originally from New York, USA, has been involved in proselytisation activities for quite some time. 

A Reddit thread reveals that he arrived in India on 27 August 2009 and was hosted by his pastor friend in Guntur, Andhra Pradesh. He lived with this pastor friend for several months in a remote village and was given the advice that if he wanted to remain in India, he had to marry locally. In this way, he would be able to have dual citizenship in both India and the US. So, his marriage was arranged with the pastor friend’s niece Anusha. This information was obtained in a Reddit thread that was from this website. The blog post has been removed since. 

The Reddit thread also says that during his stint in the US Army as a combat medic, he was allegedly put in the psychiatric ward because of his “preaching” activities.

His Facebook page reveals that he is now a father of 6 children. He is said to have arrived in India on a tourist visa and stayed on for over 10 years during which he involved himself in conversion-related activities in the then Andhra Pradesh state.  

In 2018, he was convicted on two counts of religious and racially motivated public order offences.

In 2021, he was reported to have stalked an abortion doctor in Englewood with a drone. He was apprehended and found operating the drone which had a speaker and camera outside Metropolitan Medical Associates on Engle Street. Courney and fellow pro-life activists have often protested at this location in the past. He also tried to stop people from entering the reproductive health services clinic. Subsequently, he was barred from coming within 25ft of the Englewood clinic.

He is also reported to have been charged along with two other Christians in 2021 for violating the state’s anti-bias intimidation statute, specifically for “shouting homophobic rhetoric directly in front of Allure Salon,” after the trio preached to the salon owner and an employee who are both openly homosexual.

His Facebook page reveals a lot of information about his move from Nepal where he resided during the pandemic and continued his conversion activities as a missionary.

Mr. Daniel Stephen Courney.. US Evangelist who settled down in AP (for 15 years) & married to local Telugu girl was deported & blacklisted in 2017 with our complaints. Later settled down in Nepal. #Noted: below image circulating is from Nepal, not India.

We're watching him. pic.twitter.com/55MAEq0LZ7

— Legal Rights Protection Forum (@lawinforce) March 27, 2020

@HMOIndia @lawinforce
Daniel Stephen Courney once deported from India for rabid evangelist activities is back in India committing the same offence again.
He is staying in Nepal and entering India regularly for Christian evangelist activities#noconversion pic.twitter.com/KRwtWLglXN

— DharmaRakshak (@oldhandhyd) March 29, 2023

Recent Activities Of Daniel S Courney in India

In the first week of August 2023, his Facebook page reveals that they took a flight to Assam, and allegedly with the help of the West Bengal Joint Secretary, International Human Rights Council, he has been moving around the North-Eastern states. 

On 3 August 2023, he posted on his Facebook account that he along with another person named Mr. M.S Kumar from Hyderabad have distributed 50 Assamese New Testaments on the Platform No. 6 of the Guwahati Railway Station, Assam.

On 5 August 2023, he visited Senapati town of the Manipur State and telecasted a live video criticizing the government of India calling it a ‘Radical Hindu Government’ and accused the Indian Government of the ongoing violence against Christians in the state.

On 10 August 2023, he posted on his Facebook account seeking funds from foreigners for the Manipur violence victims by saying that “At least 400 churches were burned to the ground. Hundreds of Christians kills. Countless families had their homes and entire villages razed to the ground.”

Courney’s Video On Manipur

In his 13-minute video, he speaks about the “persecution of Kuki tribals” because they are Christians and that he was reporting from a village called Senapati in Manipur. 

Full video here – 

He goes on to say that the ruling BJP government is very radically Hindu and was looking to make the entire country “Hindustan”. He claims that about 41 villages have been burned down and churches destroyed. He also claims that the ruling government at the centre felt threatened by the fact that Christianity was metastatizing at an exponential state in the North East and hence these measures were taken. He said, “… they’re attempting to, like I said, to exterminate, to expunge, to curtail the growth of Christianity, the spread of Christianity…”

He also says that he had never seen a more Christian region anywhere in the world and even though the people were converted Christians, they were a force to reckon with. He also mentioned that there are 5 churches in a single village, something he would never see in his country (US).

He then goes on to explain who the Kukis and the Meities are, and how the Kukis remained Christian while the Meiteis were converted to mainstream Hinduism 300 years ago by their king. He claimed that the Kukis lived a very comfortable and prosperous life because they were blessed by God and that the Meities were jealous of their prosperity. – “…I mean they have cars, they have refrigerators, they have washing machines, God has blessed them, God has blessed this region, they’re with wealth and prosperity, don’t you think tribal you think bows and arrows, but these people are living better than some people in in the Appalachian region of America. These people are living well even in the small towns in small villages people are having washing machines and cars, God has blessed the cookie people, and naturally jealousy is growing and the Meitei people are feeling threatened, they’re feeling threatened by the growth and prosperity of the Kukis…”

 He also claimed that this is not just a land dispute but also an identity crisis and that Christianity is changing the North East of the country and that he was shocked to see the number of churches in the region. 

“… as a result, there’s a lot of threat, there’s a lot of concern among the Meiteis, the Kukis are taking over because they’re buying land and they’re not able to sell it, and yeah just in a nutshell, there’s the conflict comes down to a land dispute, of course, a land dispute but it’s not only a land dispute, it’s an identity crisis because like I said Christianity has rapidly it’s terraforming Northeast India I mean it’s completely radically altering the landscape of this region. It’s amazing, I’m shocked, I’ve never seen so many churches consolidated in such a small geographical region and this is actually a large geographical region. Northeast India is is is a considerable land and so Christianity is a force to be reckoned with in Northeast India. This is not merely an ethnic feud, it’s not merely a family feud, this is not merely anything like that, this is faith-based my dear friends.”

He blames the ruling central government and the Prime Minister for wanting to change this country into a Hindu country and that they have deliberately persecuted Christians and Muslims to make it a homogenous Hindu land. – “… there are the powers that be the current political party of India, the BJP Janata Party wants this country to be a Hindu country, the current prime minister is a radical, they have deliberately persecuted Christians and Muslims, trying to make this uh a homogeneous Hindu land which violates the very spirit of the Indian constitution.”

He claims that at least 400 churches were burned down and that this was documented online.

“… I’ve confirmed this with local sources with local people I’ve spoken to and also it’s documented online, you can Google it because I’ve had some people challenge me, oh no that’s exaggerated, that’s an inflated number. It’s not inflated, I’ve asked the local people, and I’ve we visited at least five or six refugee camps in the past two days. I’ve seen hundreds hundreds of Kuki Christians who have been forcibly displaced, their villages were burned to the ground, razed to the ground. Do you understand what I’m telling you, 400 churches at 41 churches in one District alone the Kangpokpi district alone has had 41 Villages razed, burned to the ground for their faith in Jesus, for their Christian identity because they’re not Hindus.”

He says that although the internet is not to be used in the region, he had to spread the message and hence borrowed internet from someone to share the information about the ground situation. He also laid the accusation that the Manipur violence was a human rights violation, he said, “This is a human rights violation, this is an egregious mass human rights crisis that is being ignored by the mass media because it doesn’t fit the narrative.”

He claims that he is in Manipur to do social service, but the person he is with MS Kumar has been seen involved in proselytisation activities. It is unclear whether the blacklist on him has been lifted and how he managed to enter the country. .

More recently, in connection with the USAID exposé, Daniel Stephen Courney was identified as one of the missionaries actively involved in supporting and facilitating the arming of tribal groups

Daniel Stephen Courney remains a highly polarizing figure seen by some as a passionate missionary, but by many as a disruptive foreign agent using religion to stoke division in India’s vulnerable regions. Given his prior deportation, repeated violations of visa norms, and inflammatory rhetoric, calls for a permanent ban on his re-entry are growing louder.

Whether Courney is an isolated zealot or part of a larger international network, his activities underscore the complex intersection of faith, geopolitics, and national security in India.

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The post Fanatic Christian Missionary Daniel Stephen Courney Arrested In Nepal For Proselytizing In Public Areas appeared first on The Commune.

On August 17, The Hindu published a headline screaming that Indians are losing “trust” in the Election Commission. But what the newspaper deliberately concealed behind its sensationalism was a grossly flawed survey design and methodology that make its sweeping claims completely baseless.

The survey behind the headline wasn’t pan-India. It covered only six states—Assam, West Bengal, Kerala, Uttar Pradesh, Madhya Pradesh, and Delhi—with 500 respondents per state. Assam and UP were given equal weightage, despite huge differences in population and demographics. These limitations were hidden in fine print, while the headline loudly claimed a nationwide truth. And the paper expected readers to take it at face value.

Far from a nationwide study, the survey covered only six states—Assam, West Bengal, Kerala, Uttar Pradesh, Madhya Pradesh, and Delhi—with a limited sample size of 500 respondents per state. Assam and Uttar Pradesh were bizarrely given equal weight despite their vastly different populations, fatally compromising the results. The paper failed to disclose these critical limitations in its headlines or reporting, misleading millions of readers about the survey’s true scope.

The Hindu also ignored the religious makeup of these states, four of which have significant Muslim populations, a key factor that was nowhere acknowledged or analyzed. It did not question why these six states were chosen or scrutinize the sample design and weighting that remain undisclosed behind closed doors.

Even more damningly, The Hindu deliberately overlooked glaring contradictions in its own sourced data: while over 97% respondents in Assam and West Bengal reportedly have the necessary documentation for voting, 45% still fear “vote cutting.” This disparity was not investigated but instead presented uncritically as unquestioned truth.

On the very day The Hindu published this misleading story, Rahul Gandhi launched his Bihar Yatra with claims of “vote chori” (vote theft), leveraging the badly reported survey to fan political flames. The Hindu’s reckless amplification of the agenda without demanding transparency or verifying facts makes it complicit in spreading misinformation.

By failing its readers in this manner, The Hindu not only betrayed journalistic standards but encouraged distrust in democratic institutions without any credible basis. This is a shameful exhibition of irresponsible journalism, reducing a respected paper to a conveyor belt for unchecked narratives.

The Hindu owes its readers an explanation for why it amplified unverified claims from a flawed survey and chose to ignore critical context that would have told a very different story.

Dilip Mandal has sharply criticized The Hindu for irresponsibly reporting on the Lokniti-CSDS survey that claimed a loss of trust in the Election Commission. He pointed out the paper’s failure to highlight the survey’s limited scope, flawed methodology, and ignored contradictions in the data. Mandal condemned the newspaper for amplifying unverified claims without scrutiny, misleading readers, and fueling political narratives without demanding transparency from the survey agency. His critique highlights a severe lapse in journalistic standards and calls attention to media accountability in the face of politicized data.

Dear Editors of The Hindu,

Say sorry to your readers.

On the morning of August 17, you @the_hindu published survey findings of @LoknitiCSDS with a screaming headline claiming that Indians are losing “trust” in the Election Commission.

This may be a coincidence, but an… pic.twitter.com/ofTKmrnZxV

— Dilip Mandal (@Profdilipmandal) August 23, 2025

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The post How The Hindu Used Lokniti-CSDS Survey With A Misleading Headline To Hand Congress Its ‘Vote Chori’ Narrative appeared first on The Commune.

The Tamilaga Vettri Kazhagam’s massive conference in Madurai kicked off to an energetic start as many observers were waiting to see what actor-turned-politician Vijay would orate this time.

His past speeches have been fairly lacklustre and the Madurai conference speech which lasted about 30-35 minutes was nothing but a rehash of his old speeches.

The song released during the event showcases Annadurai and MGR – who are from AIADMK – it looks bizzare in a video of a political party that is not the ADMK.

உங்கள் விஜய்… உங்கள் விஜய்…
#TVKMaduraiManaadu #TVKMaanadu #ThalapathyVijay𓃵 pic.twitter.com/niTB7DNUTa

— Karthickraja Arumugam (@karthick11_) August 21, 2025

Is he hinting at a closet alliance with the ADMK – because never once did he mention the party in his entire speech!

Repeats Political Adversary & Ideological Adversary

Vijay once again mentioned or probably reminded himself about who the TVK’s political and ideological adversaries were – the BJP and DMK.

Vijay at #TVKMaduraiManaadu

Our ideological enemy – BJP

Our political enemy – DMK pic.twitter.com/OL8hMpBgul

— Kerala Trends (@KeralaTrends2) August 21, 2025

But this time, he attacked the RSS. He also claimed the BJP and DMK had a backend dealing with each other for mutual benefit.

Tries To Appropriate MGR & Captain Vijayakanth

He said he was reminded of only one person as he placed his feet on Madurai soil and said it was MGR. He further said, “We all like Puratchi Thalaivar MGR – be it cinema or politics. I did not have the chance to work with him but I did get the chance to work with someone who had the same qualities as him, Captain Vijaykanth, who hails from this Madurai soil, how can I forget him.”

இன்னைக்கு #தளபதி speech semma fire-ah இருந்துச்சுன்னு சொல்றவங்க எத்தனை பேர்

#TVKVettriMaanadu #தமிழகவெற்றிக்கழகம்‌ #TVKMaduraiManaadupic.twitter.com/uMMKitpCJf

— தளபதி ரிஷி (@ThalapathiRISHI) August 21, 2025

He also mentions the legendary whip that MGR used in his iconic film Engal Veetu Pillai, to show he is ready to take on the corrupt.

சவுக்க கையில் எடுத்தாச்சு.
இனிமேல் பிளாஸ்டுதான்#TVKMaduraiManaadu #TVKMaanadu @TVKVijayHQ pic.twitter.com/5buVxBUMkL

— Dhayalson TVK (@Dhayalson7) August 21, 2025

He again calls BJP as fascist and DMK as poison – nothing new – he has already mentioned this several times.

Addresses PM Modi

In what comes across as a clownish attempt to “attack” PM Modi, Vijay once again repeats what he did at a previous event. This time he makes a fool of himself (once again).

He called for PM Modi’s attention towards the fishermen issue in Sri Lanka. He said, “Honourable PM Narendra Modiji, isn’t it you who is holding the reigns for the third time? Did you come to power to help the people of the country as a whole or to conspire against our Muslim brothers and friends? People have several questions to ask you so on their behalf I ask you, Mr Prime Minister.”

Then he exposed himself. He said, “Our TN fishermen, about 800 of them have been killed by the Sri Lankan Navy. We are not asking you to condemn it in a big way. Just do one small thing. Just retrieve Katchatheevu from Sri Lanka so our fishermen are safe.”  Vijay forgot it was the Congress in alliance with DMK who handed over Katchatheevu to Sri Lanka.

These 800 fishermen were killed over 4 decades when DMK and ADMK were in power and so also Congress at the centre. After PM Modi came to power, fishermen deaths have come to almost nil.

Then he talks about NEET and says it is creating problems – we can only see achievers from TN and an increasing number of students from the state entering medical stream. He ends it with “Will you do it Mr Narendrabhai Damodar Modiji?” – cringe at best.

Stalin “Uncle”

In what comes across as cringe but would appeal to the masses, Vijay ended up addressing TN CM Stalin as “uncle” and used a few cinematic dialogues to make his point. He said “Stalin uncle, what Uncle, very wrong Uncle” and then followed it up with a verse from MGR’s song portraying himself as righteous.

Stalin uncle, what uncle very wrong uncle

Thalaivan @actorvijay in full form #TVKVettriMaanadu pic.twitter.com/6wuwd5vscO

— Sankalp Ayan (@CjvFanatic) August 21, 2025

He ended his cringeworthy speech by saying, “Not all politicians are smart nor are all cinema stars fools.”

Vijay yet again proves he is DMK 2.0, a DMK Lite by being mild on the DMK and parroting the same lines on the BJP, the surprise was inclusion of RSS somewhere in the middle of his speech.

Overall, people gathered there for filmy Vijayisms, punch lines, voice modulation and dialogues akin to the ones from his movies.

By speaking without clarity and knowledge of the present political scenario, he seems to be reading out a script someone else wrote or he wrote it with his backdated GK. Hence proving he is a master of tharkuris.

Hydra is a political writer.

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The post TVK Is Nothing But DMK Lite: Vijay Once Again Proves He’s The “Master” Of Tharkuris At Madurai Maanaadu appeared first on The Commune.

Despite a long list of contenders from within the BJP for the Vice President’s post, Prime Minister Narendra Modi has nominated C.P. Radhakrishnan, fondly called CPR, the Governor of Maharashtra, signaling a decision driven by loyalty, legacy, and regional representation.

Born in 1957 in Tiruppur, Tamil Nadu, Radhakrishnan holds a bachelor’s degree in business administration. His political journey began as a grassroots activist with the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS), and by 1974, he had become a member of the state executive committee of the Bharatiya Jan Sangh, the BJP’s ideological predecessor.

Why Modi Chose CPR 

Radhakrishnan’s selection is seen as a reward not just for his unblemished reputation and cross-party goodwill but also for his unwavering loyalty during challenging times in BJP’s history. Following the 2002 Gujarat riots, the then-Chief Minister Modi faced immense political pressure even from his own party. Even  then-PM Atal Bihari Vajpayee didn’t fully back Modi as the episode had cast Modi in negative light. It was only on Advani’s intervention that Vajpayee gave in allowed Modi to become the face of Gujarat elections in 2002. For that one year, many in the party distanced themselves and no BJP leader from any state would invite Modi for campaigns and rallies.

However, Radhakrishnan, then an MP from Coimbatore, went against the tide by organizing a massive public rally for Modi at VOC park just three months after the riots. This bold move is widely regarded as a pivotal moment that helped rehabilitate Modi’s public image nationally.

Modi has long valued loyalty as a cornerstone of leadership often prioritizing it over mere administrative performance and Radhakrishnan’s steadfast support during that turbulent period likely cemented his place as a trusted ally.

. @SuryahSG always reminds me how loyalty should be and often gives Shri @CPRGuv as a perfect example.

He told me that even after becoming the Hon’ble Governor of #Maharashtra, greater things awaits him. Today, he’s elevated as our @VPIndia!

Truly inspiring, as he spoke about… pic.twitter.com/ZWfGYEmkTd

— Yogesh R (@TheYogeshR) August 18, 2025

Southern Strategy and DMK Counterbalance

By nominating a leader from Tamil Nadu, the BJP sends a clear message of inclusivity and political reach into the southern states. Since assuming his role as Governor of Maharashtra, Radhakrishnan has made frequent visits to Tamil Nadu and Kerala, signaling increased political engagement in the South. His elevation is also seen as a calculated response to the DMK’s narrative in Tamil Nadu, aiming to project a strong southern face for the BJP at the national level.

CPR’s Track Record as Governor

Radhakrishnan becomes only the second sitting Governor to be nominated for the Vice Presidency the first being Shankar Dayal Sharma in 1987. While P.C. Alexander was once considered for the Presidency in 2002, his name was eventually withdrawn in favor of Dr. A.P.J. Abdul Kalam.

After taking charge as Governor on 31 July 2024, Radhakrishnan quickly set out on extensive state visits, engaging with a broad spectrum of society from elected officials and bureaucrats to business leaders and educators. As Chancellor of state universities, he was instrumental in enhancing educational quality and advocating for better living standards among tribal communities.

He also gained a reputation for being accessible to opposition parties, giving due attention to concerns raised on matters ranging from law and order to financial irregularities. His administration made headway in resolving long-pending nominations to the Legislative Council, demonstrating a proactive approach to governance. Notably, he maintained cordial relations not only with Chief Minister Devendra Fadnavis but also with Deputy CMs Eknath Shinde and Ajit Pawar, fostering unprecedented cooperation with the entire cabinet.

Praise from Maharashtra Leadership

Reacting to his nomination, Fadnavis stated, “Radhakrishnan’s deep understanding of constitutional and legislative matters, shaped by years of experience as an MP and governor, makes him an outstanding choice for Vice President. As Maharashtrians, we feel proud to see him elevated to such a distinguished position.”

The post How CP Radhakrishnan Broke The Taboo Around Modi And Changed The Narrative After 2002 Gujarat Episode appeared first on The Commune.

At a discussion forum organized by Dravidianist propaganda YouTube channel called “The Debate” filmmaker Ameer made pointed attacks on Sanatana Dharma and Brahmins. Positioning himself as an outsider to caste due to his Muslim upbringing, Ameer accused “Aryans” of creating the caste system, linked honour killings to Hindu epics, and openly backed the DMK as the “more positive” force in Tamil Nadu politics. His remarks, laced with sweeping generalisations and provocative claims, also took aim at cultural practices like Vinayagar Chaturthi, portraying them as dominated by “intermediate castes” while alleging Brahmins stay aloof.

Ameer begins his speech by preaching about Islam saying “In this discussion forum with students present, there’s a difference between the other speakers and me. They grew up in the caste hierarchy. I am an exception. They grew up within the caste hierarchy. I grew up looking at the caste hierarchy from outside. Since I was born into a Muslim family, whatever my father taught me is supreme. We’re workers at the lower rung, load-bearing labourers. That’s where I born into and grew up… Even though I was born into an Islamic family, we did not reside in a Muslim-dominate area. We lived amidst the labourers. From my early days, most of my friends have been load-bearing labourers, tricycle drivers, bullock cart drivers, rickshaw drivers.. Since I grew up with them, all of them were my brothers and relatives. So I never had any concept of caste…”

Ameer said “Caste was inserted by man. Which man? The Aryan (referring to Brahmins). Sanatana Dharmam. He is only imposing caste here. Why is he imposing? Like he said – Those born from heads – Brahmins, shoulders – Kshatriyas, thighs – Vaishyas, legs – Shudra. In colloquial Tamil during our early days they used to say “why are you behaving like a fourth caste person?”. I came to know of its meaning only after I turned 25. So, this disgusting caste was given by Sanatanam. That Sanatanam is what is keeping him and he keeps talking about caste pride. Those who accept this ideology is the one who is all over the world – he is there as Election Commissioner, a judge in Supreme Court, an astronaut in NASA (hinting at Shubhanshu Shukla), works in Google. But he’s holding on to his caste which means that there is no bigger fool than him in the world. You can’t see them as educated people.”

He also says that honour killing have roots in Ramayana and Mahabharatha and feels proud that he hasn’t read them.

He further goes on to quote EV Ramasamy Naicker (hailed as ‘Periyar’ by his followers) saying “Islam is the best medicine to eliminate racial discrimination.”

He further goes on to buttress DMK saying no political party in electoral politics would openly comment on honour killings and caste atrocities as they’ve to get votes at the end of the day.

“Both DMK and AIADMK helped in uplifting our lives. There will be positives and negatives. Among them, the one with more positives is the DMK and Dravidian Movement.“, he said.

He further went on to say “Who conducts and heads the Vinayagar Chaturthi celebrations? The dominant community in that area. The one who is above (Brahmins), the so-called upper caste – you can’t see them in the Vinayagar Chaturthi processions. He won’t do piercing. He will never come to Palani Thaipoosam. You can’t see them there. He won’t walk without slippers. I’ve seen them. I grew up nearby the Vaigai River. Those who bring Molappari will have to cross my house to immerse it in the river. I’ve seen people from across but I’ve never seen people from that (Brahmin) community near that aathu (river side). Their “aathu” (referring to Brahmin’s home) is different. I am talking about Vaigai River. Their “aathu” is different. But they use the intermediate caste.”

“Those who say “Hindus unite” are not talking about this – the person who hacked was a Hindu, the person who died was a Hindu. Does any media talk about that? No. This is the politics. This is what you students should understand. The caste you’re given – you did not ask for it, the religion you’re born – you did not ask for it. But they’ve given you these and someone is asking you to live by it. This is what you have to understand.“, he said like a proselytizer.

Who Is Ameer?

Ameer Sultan, a Tamil filmmaker known for his Islamist-Dravidianist leanings, has faced growing scrutiny over his close ties with Jaffer Sadiq, a former DMK NRI Wing official accused of running an international drug-trafficking network. Dubbed Sadiq’s “bestie,” Ameer was named in an ED chargesheet alleging money laundering through films and was summoned by the NCB in April 2024 in connection with the smuggling of pseudoephedrine worth ₹2,000 crore. In October 2024, a special court summoned both Ameer and Sadiq as part of the ongoing money-laundering case. More recently, Ameer was accused of participating in a coordinated smear campaign against Justice G. R. Swaminathan, aligning with the DMK’s broader ideological ecosystem.

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The post “Islam Is The Best Medicine”: Drug Case Accused Islamist-Dravidianist Filmmaker Ameer Sultan Bashes Sanatana Dharma And Glorifies His Religion appeared first on The Commune.

The Tamil Nadu State Education Policy 2025, unveiled by Chief Minister M.K. Stalin, has ignited fresh outrage among non-Tamil speaking communities in the state. Hidden behind the lofty rhetoric of “equity” and “inclusion” lies an unmistakable reality — the DMK government has doubled down on enforcing Tamil as a compulsory subject in all schools, effectively erasing the possibility for linguistic minorities to learn their mother tongue within the state education system.

Tamil Learning Act, 2006 — Now With Tighter Grip

The policy proudly reaffirms the Tamil Nadu Tamil Learning Act, 2006, making the study of Tamil from Class 1 to 10 mandatory across all schools — whether State Board, CBSE, ICSE, or international curricula.

This is not merely a symbolic requirement. Schools must ensure that every student can speak, read, write, and comprehend Tamil. The SEP frames this as “linguistic inclusion” and “cultural integration,” but for students whose home language is Telugu, Kannada, Malayalam, Urdu, or other tongues, it amounts to state-enforced linguistic assimilation.

Mother Tongue Sacrificed

While the National Education Policy (NEP) 2020 recommends a three-language formula allowing space for the student’s mother tongue, Tamil Nadu rejects this, sticking rigidly to a two-language formula — Tamil and English — for all. This means that in State Board schools, minority students are denied any formal opportunity to study their own mother tongue as a subject, even if it is their first language at home.

The SEP claims it will provide “bridge programmes” for migrant and tribal children. But for permanent linguistic minority communities — such as the lakhs of Telugu-speaking families in Vellore and Krishnagiri, Kannada speakers in Dharmapuri and Erode, or Malayalam speakers in Kanyakumari and Coimbatore — there is no structured pathway to retain their language academically.

Driving Minorities Out Of State Board Schools

By making Tamil compulsory while sidelining minority languages, the policy pushes non-Tamil speaking students towards CBSE and ICSE schools, where their mother tongue may still be offered as a second language. For economically disadvantaged families, this is not an option — they are forced to choose between losing their linguistic heritage or sacrificing quality education in their own tongue.

Constitutional Concerns

Article 29 of the Indian Constitution guarantees minorities the right to conserve their language, script, and culture. Education in one’s mother tongue is not just a cultural preference — it’s a constitutional safeguard. The DMK’s strict language policy raises serious questions on whether it violates this spirit, if not the letter, of the law.

Political Motives Disguised As Cultural Pride

The DMK frames this as a measure to protect Tamil identity and “integration with the local community.” But critics argue it is part of a political project to homogenise the linguistic landscape of Tamil Nadu — diluting the presence of long-established minority communities who have lived in the state for generations.

The Bottom Line

The Tamil Nadu State Education Policy’s two-language formula isn’t about inclusion — it’s about compulsion. For hundreds of thousands of Telugu, Kannada, Malayalam, and other minority students, it means their own languages will be absent from their classrooms, their textbooks, and their academic records. What the DMK calls “integration” may in practice become linguistic erasure.

If the government truly respected linguistic diversity, it would give minorities a genuine choice — not force them to assimilate through education policy.

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The post DMK Govt Imposes Tamil On Non-Tamil Speaking Students Through Strict Two-Language Policy, Violates Constitutional Rights Of Linguistic Minorities appeared first on The Commune.

“Tamil civilization was non-religious. Ancient Tamils were secular. Keezhadi excavations prove that Tamils have no connection with Hinduism.” – These are the kind of narratives that gets churned out by the DMK and its Dravidianist ecosystem in the media, academia and government. Notably, archaeologists K. Amarnath Ramakrishna who has been spearheading the Keezhadi excavations has been claiming that there was no evidence of religious symbols at the site which implying the ‘secular’ nature of the Tamil civilization.

However, a 2023 ground report by PoliTalks channel has revealed stunning evidences. The video evidence suggests that connections to Hindu faith near the site are being concealed, despite visible remnants of temples and idols just 100 meters from the dig location.

Since the Keeladi excavations began, they have revealed significant historical insights into ancient Tamil civilization. However, one point has been repeatedly emphasized: that no evidence of religious practice or worship has been found at the site. This has led to the assertion that Sangam-era Tamils lacked deities, spirituality, or any form of worship associated with Hinduism. But an on-site investigation by Team PoliTalks appears to contradict this narrative.

Their findings indicate that only a small section of what was likely a much larger city has been excavated. Crucial information could still lie in the unexcavated surrounding areas. Notably, within a 400-meter radius of the current site, there are visible signs of what appears to be a large temple complex. These include the top portion of a stone pillar, the foundation base of a temple, a half-buried Vishnu idol, and sculptures of other deities. Scattered large stones and column-like structures further indicate the presence of a grand temple that once stood in the area.

In addition to the presumed Shiva temple ruins, within just 100 meters of the main excavation zone, several idols can be found discarded, lying in debris or partially buried—prompting further concerns about the selective focus of the archaeological documentation.

Three specific artifacts found directly at the Keeladi site also stand out:

• A figurine of a bull’s head

• A female terracotta figure with a wide mouth and prominent teeth

• A coral piece engraved with a pig’s image

These items have raised cultural and historical questions. The female figurine closely resembles depictions of Goddess Neeli, revered as a guardian deity of Madurai. The pig engraving is seen as potentially referencing a legend in which Lord Shiva assumes the form of a boar during his divine acts in Madurai. The bull’s head is believed by some to symbolize Nandi, the mount of Lord Shiva.

Despite these findings, researchers have reportedly overlooked these artifacts in discussions surrounding Keeladi. Critics argue that there has been little to no academic acknowledgment of the site’s spiritual or religious aspects. This concern extends to the recently inaugurated Keeladi Museum, which contains no mention or display of Tamil religious beliefs, practices, or associated artifacts from the site.

Allegations continue to circulate that ideological leanings particularly from Dravidianist circles are influencing the framing of Keeladi’s history, promoting a narrative that ancient Tamils had no connection to Hinduism or religious worship. The exclusion of religious evidence, despite the presence of idols, temple ruins, and supporting Sangam literature, should now become a central point the debate over the portrayal of Tamil heritage.

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The post Unearthing The Truth: How Keeladi’s Hindu Links Are Being Buried, Literally appeared first on The Commune.

It came as a shock to many villagers across Tamil Nadu when they suddenly found themselves unable to sell or transfer ownership of their own land to family members all due to sweeping claims made by the Waqf Act. While recent amendments have aimed to curb the arbitrary powers of Waqf Boards, the burden on ordinary citizens hasn’t eased entirely.

The latest flashpoint emerged from Virudhachalam, where a villager was reportedly blocked from transferring his land to his son. The incident reignited public concern and drew attention to a series of similar cases unfolding across the state.

Recent Instances Of Waqf Land Grabs

Mangalampettai, Virudhachalam

Villagers gathered in protest outside the Mangalampet sub-registrar’s office after officials refused to process a land transfer, claiming the plot belonged to the Tamil Nadu Waqf Board. The issue arose when Periyasamy, a resident of M. Akaram village, attempted to register land in his son Karthikeyan’s name. The protest, backed by Hindu Munnani and BJP representatives, was eventually resolved after talks with local authorities.

Kattukollai, Vellore 

In April 2025, around 150 families received notices stating that their land now belonged to a dargah. The notice, issued by one Syed Ali Sultan Shah, demanded they vacate or pay tax to the religious institution, triggering widespread unrest.

Thiruchendurai, Trichy 

In September 2022, the Tamil Nadu Waqf Board claimed ownership of the entire Thiruchendurai village in Tiruchirapalli, including temple lands, sparking significant concern among residents. This claim emerged when local farmer Rajagopal was required to obtain a No Objection Certificate from the Waqf Board to register his land sale, despite having proper revenue documents. The claim was recently debated in parliament, including over the 1,500-year-old Manendiyavalli Sametha Chandrasekhara Swamy temple. The Tamil Nadu Registration Department has acknowledged issues with encroachments and disputed properties but struggled to justify the Waqf Board’s claims over temple lands.

Thiruparankundram, Madurai

Indian Union Muslim League member and Ramanathapuram MP Navas Kani, who also serves as the Tamil Nadu Waqf Board chairman, has claimed that the dargah at the Thirupparankundram Temple hill is Waqf property.

Peyazhwar Temple, Chennai

Tamil Nadu Waqf Board President Abdul Rahman announced that many Hindu temples are present on Waqf properties, including the 1000-years-old Peyazhwar Temple, on land allegedly owned by the Kutchery Road Mosque.

Balasamudram, Dindigul

In a striking parallel to the Thiruchendurai village land dispute, another property conflict involving the Tamil Nadu Waqf Board has come to light, this time in the Balasamudram Municipality of Dindigul district. With claims dating back to 2020, the Waqf Board asserts ownership over the entire municipality, leaving around 10,000 residents in limbo. Unable to sell their ancestral properties due to unresolved legalities, the community’s frustration culminated in a petition to local authorities in May 2023.

Anganakaundan Puthur, Erode

In 2023, the Tamil Nadu Waqf Board asserted ownership over land allocated to 73 Scheduled Caste families in Anganakaundan Puthur, Erode District. The Tamil Nadu government provided this land in 1980 after a flood, and since then, it has been their home for 40 years. The Waqf Board’s claim has caused significant challenges, including transferring land titles, registering deeds, and obtaining loans.

Veppur Village, Ranipet 

In January 2023, the DMK government wrongly reclassified 57 acres of agricultural land in Veppur village, Ranipet District, as Waqf Board property. This land, which Hindu families had farmed for decades, was abruptly claimed by the Waqf Board without proper notice or due process, causing considerable distress among the affected farmers.

Min Nagar, Kanchipuram 

In January 2025, residents of Min Nagar in Kanchipuram district faced challenges after the Tamil Nadu Waqf Board claimed 2.43 acres of land they’ve lived on for over 40 years. The Kanchipuram Registrar’s Office confirmed the claim, hindering property registrations. The land was purchased in 1982 by employees of the Kanchipuram Electric City Office.

While amendments to the Waqf Act have tried to introduce checks, unresolved disputes continue to impact thousands across Tamil Nadu. Many of these claims date back decades or lack transparency, leaving ordinary citizens entangled in legal and administrative deadlock. As protests grow and more cases surface, pressure is mounting on both state and central authorities to review and address these recurring land conflicts with urgency and fairness.

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The post Instances Of Waqf Land Grab In Tamil Nadu appeared first on The Commune.

Religious fundamentalism in India isn’t confined to the uneducated or underprivileged. Even individuals in the highest offices judges, diplomats, and constitutional authorities have, at times, allowed personal religious beliefs to overshadow their official responsibilities.

Ironically, while sections of India’s intelligentsia and political left often urge Hindus to embrace secularism and progressive constitutional values, they don’t always hold themselves to the same standard.

Below are three widely discussed examples of prominent Muslim civil servants who have been accused of prioritizing religion over constitutional or national obligations.

#1 Former Vice President Hamid Ansari

Hamid Ansari’s distinguished diplomatic career included ambassadorships to Iran, Afghanistan, and Saudi Arabia, and culminated in two terms as India’s Vice President. Yet, his career post-retirement has been shadowed by a series of serious allegations and contentious statements that have prompted criticism from political and intelligence circles.

a) Allegations From Former Intelligence Officers

In 2019, former RAW (Research and Analysis Wing) officials accused Hamid Ansari of endangering intelligence operations while serving as India’s ambassador to Iran (1990–1992). They claim Ansari failed to protect Indian intelligence assets and may have even exposed undercover operatives to Iranian agencies.

I think it is time to make a film Titled
'The Ansari Files'

Hamid Ansari helped Pakistani spies !

He endangered lives of RAW unit members in Iran !

He supported anti-India & anti-Hindu organisations like PFI !

Hamid Ansari participated in Indian American… pic.twitter.com/9syiFbvzeM

— Mona Patel (@MonaPatelT) July 14, 2025

One officer alleged that Ansari downplayed the abduction of an Indian diplomat, Sandeep Kapoor, by Iranian intelligence agency SAVAK, failing to report SAVAK’s involvement in his official communication to the Ministry of External Affairs. Another incident involved RAW operative D. B. Mathur, who was reportedly kidnapped after Ansari allegedly leaked intelligence details to the Iranian Foreign Ministry.

I was in Tehran, Iran n Hameed Ansari was ambassador in Tehran. Ansari had played a crucial role in exposing RAW set-up in Tehran endangering lives of RAW unit members. But this very man was made vice President for two consecutive terms.

— NK Sood (@rawnksood) June 28, 2019

Ratan. Sehgal was Addl. Secretary in IB n he was later found to be working for CIA and held passing on documents to a CIA lady agent in Delhi. He should have been arrested, jailed n dismissed. But was asked to resign n allowed to go. Now he is settled in US.

— NK Sood (@rawnksood) July 5, 2019

The RAW officers later submitted a letter to Prime Minister Narendra Modi demanding an investigation into Ansari’s role during his Tehran tenure. They claimed Ansari also collaborated with intelligence officials like Ratan Sehgal to dismantle RAW units in Gulf countries prior to the 1993 Mumbai bomb blasts.

In his book Mission R&AW, former intelligence officer R.K. Yadav reveals how Hamid Ansari, during his tenure as India’s ambassador to Iran, was uncooperative and even obstructive to Indian intelligence efforts. When a R&AW operative was abducted by Iranian agencies, Ansari reportedly showed no urgency, and it took pressure from Atal Bihari Vajpayee to push Prime Minister Narasimha Rao into securing the agent’s release. Yadav also notes that Ansari advised another official, Muhammad Umar, to stay silent after Iranian intelligence tried to recruit him. Umar refused, was abducted and tortured, yet Ansari allegedly told him not to escalate the matter. This period, critical in the formation of global jihadist networks, saw significant intelligence setbacks in Tehran, setbacks Yadav believes gave the Iran-ISI axis leverage and indirectly fueled jihad in Kashmir.

b) Allegations Of Hosting Pakistani Spy

In 2022, Pakistani journalist Nusrat Mirza claimed he visited India on several occasions between 2005 and 2011 to collect intelligence for Pakistan’s ISI, allegedly attending a seminar on terrorism at the invitation of Hamid Ansari. Ansari categorically denied the claims, asserting that invitations to foreign delegates during his tenure were issued based on recommendations from the government, particularly through the Ministry of External Affairs.

While Ansari insisted he neither invited nor interacted with Mirza, the controversy cast a shadow over his tenure, prompting strong reactions from BJP leaders and sections of the media.

c) Wants Sharia Courts

Following his retirement, Ansari made several statements that sparked nationwide backlash. He spoke in favor of establishing Sharia courts across districts in India and claimed to feel “insecure” as a citizen a remark that was widely criticized as divisive.

d) Simping For Jinnah

He also drew attention for attending events hosted by the now-banned Popular Front of India (PFI), a group accused by Indian agencies of fostering radical Islamist ideology and involvement in “love jihad” cases in Kerala. Additionally, Ansari expressed support for students demanding the restoration of Muhammad Ali Jinnah’s portrait at Aligarh Muslim University.

e) Criticizing India To Appease Iran

In 2005, after India voted against Iran’s nuclear program at the International Atomic Energy Agency, Hamid Ansari openly criticized the decision. He remarked that the Indian government had acted based on its own “judgment” a phrase he used to imply bias and argued that the position taken lacked a factual basis.

#2 Former Chief Election Commissioner S.Y. Quraishi

Former Chief Election Commissioner S.Y. Quraishi has also faced allegations of allowing religious identity to influence his public conduct. In April 2025, BJP MP Nishikant Dubey accused Quraishi of facilitating the inclusion of Bangladeshi infiltrators in the voter rolls of Jharkhand’s Santhal Pargana region during his tenure.

In a now deleted post, Quraishi via his X handle, labelled the Waqf Act a “sinister and evil plan to grab Muslim lands.” He wrote, “Wakf Act is undoubtedly a blatantly sinister/evil plan of the govt to grab Muslim lands. I’m sure SC will call it out. Misinformation by the mischievous propaganda machine has done its job well.”

Dubey responded to this sharply, accusing the former CEC of acting with religious bias during his tenure. “You were not an election commissioner, you were a Muslim commissioner,” he posted on X, further alleging that large numbers of Bangladeshi infiltrators were added to voter rolls in Jharkhand’s Santhal Pargana under Quraishi’s watch.

Dubey also invoked historical context to question the legitimacy of expansive Waqf claims, stating that lands before the advent of Islam in India in 712 CE belonged to Hindus, tribals, Jains, and Buddhists. Citing his own village’s destruction by Bakhtiyar Khilji in 1189, and the legacy of the ancient Vikramshila University, he urged citizens to “unite this country” and revisit real Indian history.

आप चुनाव आयुक्त नहीं,मुस्लिम आयुक्त थे,झारखंड के संथालपरगना में बांग्लादेशी घुसपैठिया को वोटर सबसे ज़्यादा आपके कार्यकाल में ही बनाया गया ।पैगंबर मुहम्मद साहब का इस्लाम भारत में 712 में आया,उसके पहले तो यह ज़मीन हिंदुओं की या उस आस्था से जुड़ी आदिवासी,जैन या बौद्ध धर्मावलंबी की… https://t.co/yf8uBjmoYN

— Dr Nishikant Dubey (@nishikant_dubey) April 20, 2025

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The post 2 Muslim Civil Servants Who Put Their Religion Above Constitution appeared first on The Commune.