The name Ram Madhav needs no introduction for those who are politically aware. For the uninitiated, Ram Madhav is a senior leader of the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) and a key strategist behind the party’s expansion in several Indian states. He has played a pivotal role in shaping the party’s approach in the Northeast and strengthening its national presence. Known for his insights on politics, social integration, and governance, Madhav has been closely involved in major initiatives, including the political groundwork leading up to the abrogation of Article 370.

In this interview with The Commune, Ram Madhav discusses a variety of topics. He also shares firsthand experiences of political mobilization, strategies for social integration, and reflections on personal and professional challenges, offering a rare glimpse into both the man and the movement shaping modern Indian politics.

The Commune: You’ve emphasized social media freedom, but with pro-Pakistani propaganda circulating during Operation Sindur, how do we set boundaries?

Ram Madhav: Remember no line should be drawn by you and me, lines will be drawn by governments. There are laws in our country. Those laws will guide social media. So it is easy to call somebody names that he is doing Pakistan propaganda and all that, provide that evidence government will act. We have to counter propaganda with propaganda with facts. If it is a narrative they are trying to build, you build narrative positively.
We have to build that strength in the country. I know what you are saying. There are certain elements which are out to spread fake news, fake stories but that is happening all over the world not just in India, it’s happening in USA prestigious mainstream papers, you are talking about social media, mainstream papers are accused of spreading fake news, so it is a kind of a disease that has engulfed the entire media that includes social media. I’m not denying. So what is the answer to it? Of course certain laws should be there strictly to control. Ensure that
national interest is not jeopardized compromised, but as activists we should only see it as a challenge to my counter propaganda, my propaganda based on facts that’s the way forward for us.

The Commune: There is a lot of talk about the “Congressification” of the BJP. How do you see it?

Ram Madhav: It’s all rubbish. There’s no Congressification of BJP. In fact within Congress now the whole problem is they say many of our members of parliament have become BJP. I don’t want to name. But the discussion today is Congress is greatly worried that their very senior leaders have become saffronized or BJP-ised those names everybody knows. So there’s no question of BJP ever going down the line of Congress party. Congress introduced a very bad political culture in this country. BJP stands as an antidote to that Congress culture, that culture of corruption, culture of appeasement, culture of ill treatment of Hindus. We stand against that culture, there’s no question of BJP ever become congressized.

The Commune: You have helped BJP enter into nine states you mentioned. When will we see a BJP Chief Minister in Tamil Nadu?

Ram Madhav: I should ask you and through you all the viewers of Tamil Nadu when are you going to give power to BJP? BJP will definitely not, I don’t think it will take too long now anymore. I’m seeing lot of support growing for BJP in this state. It will be in the interest of the people of the state and of course in the larger interest of the country that BJP should come to power. Tamil Nadu has this habit of alternating the parties. Why do you alternate only between two parties? Try the third party. It will be good for the people of Tamil Nadu and good for the country. 

The Commune: Can you talk about your role in the abrogation of Article 370?

Ram Madhav: Article 370’s abrogation was a decision of Prime Minister Narendra Modi. Under his guidance, the Union Home Ministry, Union Law Ministry – all of them worked together, and it was finally implemented in August 2019. Before that, we used to have a government led by BJP and PDP, a regional party in Kashmir. At that time people of Kashmir were able to understand that contrary to propaganda, BJP was actually not a bad party. They are all good people. They want they are actually they want the interests of the people of Kashmir to be protected. That aspect was understood by people of Kashmir because we were there in power for 3 years. Of course with the regional party. During that time they have seen us from close quarters. They have enjoyed the benefits of the government run by BJP and PDP. So their attitude to BJP and of course the leadership of Prime Minister Modi has completely undergone a change; that helped us in managing the affairs post the abrogation of article 370 in that state in a very peaceful way. To that extent yes our my work or our efforts to build that coalition government have certainly helped us.

The Commune: Let’s discuss the Northeast. How tricky was it politically and socially? Because we’ve seen so much come out of northeast after the BJP government came in with the hill tribes, the plane tribes and the entire cocktail of things that keep going on in that region. So, what was tricky politically and socially? 

Ram Madhav: It was tricky until we reached there. Once we went there, once we started meeting the people, meeting leaders of uh the communities, even political leaders in different states of the northeast, we realized that they are they are no less Indian. They are as patriotic, as Indian as all of us. There was a kind of an image, a perception probably created about northeast because distances also matter. Because of the distance and the tyranny of distance. I would say the tyranny of distance. We all thought that it is fully lot of terrorist groups are there, insurgent groups are there etc etc. That used to be the general understanding but no, people of northeast are very good people, very patriotic people, very hardworking people. What was needed was to bridge the distance between Delhi and northeast – that under Prime Minister Modi happened very effectively. I can tell you I mean not a single month used to pass without three or four cabinet ministers from Delhi visiting northeast. It never happened before. So once the government of Delhi minister started visiting remote areas in Nagaland, Mijaram, Tripura, Manipur, people there started feeling that intimacy, closeness. So those things of those initiatives of Prime Minister Modi to bring that region emotionally closer to Delhi have helped us a lot.

The Commune: If you can make this more personal to your journey of northeast, if you have any incident or anecdote something that was challenging something that you felt were was tricky because you’re already a master politician.

Ram Madhav: In this sense, challenging yes, challenging because BJP was not strong at all in the northeast when I was there send that responsibility for example in Assam 126 MLAs will be there in Assam assembly is 126 MLA strong. We used to have 4 MLAs in 126 member assembly. From there to aspire to get 60 MLAs from 4 to 60 was not easy, but we decided that no we should get into power here. So first state to fall in BJP’s kitty was Assam in 2015. We had our challenging times. We were able to get some good leaders from other parties. I always say that while we do make lot of criticism about Congress in the whole country the politics of Congress party and all that, in northeast there were good people in Congress also, all those good people decided that now the real party came for us so they opted for BJP, the chief minister BJP’s chief minister of Arunachal Pradesh came from Congress party; the BJP’s chief minister in Assam came from Congress party; the BJP’s chief minister in Manipur came from Congress party; the BJP’s Deputy Chief Minister in Nagaland came from Congress party. I’m not giving certificates to Congress party. I’m giving certificate to those individuals and we were able to identify them. We found them to be the people really who have mass following but also who have the good of the country, good of the state in mind. So we were able to locate them. We were able to bring them on our side. That has helped. That path was definitely challenging. I mean it’s not easy to locate leaders and bring them to your side. So it was a very fantastic journey. 

The Commune: What is it like on the other side? Because from for a common man, we see reports on the media that it’s time for resorts. So you know like all of these people are going to a resort and there’s going some negotiation and then people are going to come over. So what is the challenge if you have to tell common people that hey when we bring somebody over from another party who is probably not our supporter what kind of challenges exist?

Ram Madhav: Look politically what you are talking about is all called in politics is called horse trading right, we never indulged in any horse trading there. We convinced leaders, we convinced people that here is a party, a new party for you, BJP was a new party for the northeast, you should see us, I mean you should see a leader like prime minister Modi and give him a chance. We talked to them we convinced them and we brought them we never ran any camps and all. As you know northeast has different kinds of religions, there are states which are 98% Christian Nagaland and Mizoram are 98% Christian, Arunachal Pradesh is close to 50% Christian Meghalaya is 70% Christian. So in those states uh there were apprehensions about BJP, we had to convince them that look who is contesting in the name of BJP you are one person he is a good Christian. In fact I still remember since you wanted to know the anecdotes. I can give you a very funny anecdote. One very senior leader, who is a very senior leader in Nagaland now when he joined BJP from Congress, he wanted me to come to his village for campaigning. The assembly elections were being held. I went so before me he spoke. He said you see people say BJP as a Hindu party, Hindu party. You don’t know what is BJP. It is Bharatiya Jesus Party. So people clapped. People thought then he explained why he’s saying that. You see I a good Christian. Today BJP has made me the leader. Right? So that is how we convinced people. We never used any wrong methods like you know in Karnataka, Tamil Nadu and Andhra Pradesh we know that buses and camping taking them to Goa and all that. Politics in the northeastern region is very fair politics. I just add one more thing here. Whether we politically agree or not agree, even leaders of other parties in those states including old Congress leaders they were also thorough patriots because when we were not there they were holding the national flag there, in the most difficult circumstances when there was insurgency, there was terrorism there was China, there were others playing politics, these people stood up and held the national flag high, we should have that respect for every old-timers I’m talking about today there also politics have changed.

The Commune: If I can sort of segue into what will it take for the northeastern region to be fully socially integrated. In other cities, we hardly see any pop culture make way into our lives or in our conversations. We don’t hear so much about the northeastern region. What will it take for India to really truly integrate the northeastern region with say the best of universities or some maybe the greatest of theme parks, because they’re already leading in music. We see some great music festivals happening in the northeast but that’s about it.

Ram Madhav: Northeast has advanced tremendously in the last many years, many decades also but in the last 10 years especially. Yes, we have given them many very advanced educational institutions. There are IITs, there are IIMs, there is AIIMS today in Guwahati. So infrastructure has developed tremendously. Government has done extremely I mean enormous work in that region to create good physical infrastructure, educational infrastructure, health infrastructure. Today more than 20 airports are operational in the northeast, the small region. So government has done its bit, political parties have done its bit to create that kind of development in that region. What people like you and me have to do is now to do our part – whether it is Kashmir or it is northeast. Now people of the rest of the country have to go frequently to those places and tell those people that we are all one. There are a lot of incentives. For example, government employees get special leave travel LTC. They call it leave travel facilities. They can travel by air to if they want to go to northeast. If they want to go to Ujjain or Varanasi, they have to go by train. But for northeast government allows you air travel. There are incentives by the government. But Indian people should not always look for what government will give me to go to northeast. If you want to feel I mean if if you want north eastern people to feel more emotional integration we have to go we have to hug them you have to tell them that you are you are a part of 140 crore Indians 1.4 4 billion Indians.

The Commune: Is it because we don’t know that northeast history is so connected to the rest of India’s history, in the sense that the Ahom kingdom, for example, which existed in the northeast, one of the greatest kingdoms that India has seen, but not so many Indians know about it, is that one of the reasons?

Ram Madhav: May I ask you today, a large number of I mean in millions our people are going to Vietnam, do they know Vietnam? Do they know Vietnam history? You go to Phuket, you go to some other place in Thailand, do you know what’s Thailand? No, it’s not about that. Somehow your backyard you are ignoring. And I can tell you you go from Tejpur in Assam to Tawang in Arunachal Pradesh or Tawang in Arunachal Pradesh to their eastern most border in Arunachal Pradesh 1500 kilometre, it’s a thousand kilometer long highway. You don’t have to go to Switzerland. You don’t have to go to Europe. You don’t have to go to anywhere in the world because whatever beauty you see in those regions exists here. We don’t realize that our country has so much beauty, so much so many good things for travelers. We have to go. But beyond that I say something, beyond that is it is now we wanted government to do so many things in Kashmir, to create that integration. We wanted government to do so many things in northeast to do to create that integration. Government has done its bit. Now it’s our bit we have to do. We have to go and visit there. When you have next holiday, go to northeast. When you have next pilgrimage, go to northeast. Next honeymoon, go to northeast. You may ask, there won’t be next honeymoon. There’s no rule that you can’t go again. But same couple has to go. But you go again. Go to different states. Travel there. So that is how we have to integrate with the people. Emotional integration has to be enhanced. But I can tell you people of northeast are fully integrated with the rest of the country, I can give you my example. I one day went for a campaign and my campaign village was right on Myanmar border and Myanmar border village has a big BJP flag means, where BJP is there where India is there so true we are able to take India to the last village of our country, that’s how we created political integration, it’s a great achievement.

The Commune: In one of these ceremonies where the founder of Nvidia was addressing students, he said that if I have to wish something upon you, I wish a lot of suffering because suffering is what is going to shape you. He meant it positively.  So if I may ask what kind of suffering has shaped you into this person that you are today inspiring so many others? 

Ram Madhav: I never looked at anything as suffering everything as I always looked at everything as challenge. You see anything you do the first and foremost requirement for you to be successful is you should have passion. It’s not just a profession for you. I’m not a professional politician. I hate that word. And nowadays, of course, you have colleges that train politicians. But you can’t create a professional politician. You only can create a passionate politician. You have to be passionate about what you are doing. I had it as my passion. So I could see challenges also as a kind of an opportunity that we can overcome. That doesn’t mean I’m the only person. I have seen in my experience in the last so many years, so many such passionate people. You know when I say that we went we had a BJP flag in the remotest village, there 20 years before me one Vanavasi Kalyanashram leader went, he had no politics. He had no knowledge of the terrain, no knowledge of the language. He was a vegetarian guy and there you won’t get anything vegetarian. Yet he went there to tell people that we are all Indians. So that passion which took people to those remotest corners that itself inspired me or 20 years before me somebody did this work.

The Commune: You didn’t think about the money like how will you earn money? How will you make a big career because you must have been young when you came into the political space.

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The post From Kashmir To North-East To Tamil Nadu, BJP Leader Ram Madhav Speaks To The Commune On What It Is To Be A Truly National Party appeared first on The Commune.

In the quiet hills of Anaikatti, along the Tamil Nadu–Kerala border, lives a man who once chased molecular perfection in global laboratories. Today, at 67, Dr Soundararajan is chasing something infinitely more human: dignity, self-reliance, and hope for the tribal women of these hills.

“I am broke, but not broken,” he says, “What I do here gives me love. Sometimes, I wonder if I am helping them, or if they are helping me. Doing seva is not optional, it is the duty of the intellectuals, the intellectuals have failed this country.”

From Chennai To The World – And Back

Born in Tiruvannamalai, Dr Soundararajan’s life began like many others from middle-class Tamil Brahmin families with a strong emphasis on studies. His father was the sole breadwinner for a large family of five children. “We had several ‘one meal’ days,” he recalls. “But we always gave importance to learning.”

His brilliance carried him from first grade through PhD entirely within Chennai, specializing in metallic chemistry. In 1987, he boarded a flight to the U.S. for postdoctoral research at the University of Oklahoma, later moving to Washington State University. He published in top journals like the Journal of the American Chemical Society and even discovered a reaction deemed superior to one that had won a Nobel Prize.

He built a respected career, got his green card, married, welcomed two children, but then chose something rare. In 1996, he walked away. “I wanted my children to grow up knowing our people, our culture. I missed my relatives. I was feeling distanced from my roots.”

It was a costly choice. A corporate U.S. salary of $70,000 a year became ₹7,000 a month in Chennai. “I couldn’t even support the family,” he says. He took tuitions for school students, slowly working his way into industry again, heading R&D departments and working for global pharma companies in India. But something deeper was stirring within him.

The Spiritual Turning Point

Coming from a family deeply rooted in spirituality, his interest in Vedanta grew with time. The shift began in 1985, at a lecture that led him to his guru, Dayananda Saraswati – a connection that would anchor him through decades of corporate life. “Every year in the U.S., I would visit him in Pennsylvania,” he says. “By 2012, I had had enough of corporate life. I told him I wanted to do something more meaningful.”

Swami Dayananda Saraswati offered him land near his ashram and told him: You do something here for the people. That became the seed.

Dr Soundararajan started small – making yoga mats and fabrics out of banana fibre, eco-friendly plates from areca palm, paper from banana pulp. At one point, he employed 20–25 adivasis, men and women. But businesses faltered, partners left, and losses mounted. He persisted.

While all this happened, COVID-19 also affected him and the progress. But he persevered. It was his guru’s aagna. 

“My guru has said, “Aa sethu himachala vanagiri jana samrakshanaya kurusevamtwam, meaning from Rameswaram to the Himalayan mountains, we should serve the forest, mountain dwellers. I want everyone to think of have-nots more.”

Learning to Lead with Love

Working with tribal women at his Adivasi Penmanigal Vazhvadhara Maiyyam was unlike anything his corporate career had prepared him for. “They were too shy to even talk to me, face to face. They worked only for the money. My logical methods – log sheets, timing, accountability, these didn’t work.”

The breakthrough came when he stopped managing like an executive and started relating like a friend. “I had to understand them out of love and care. Then it worked miracles.” Women began opening up, taking on responsibility, and trusting him. Some of them who work with him have been there from the time he started in 2012. He says, “I primarily work with the adivasi women because the men are always indulging in alcohol, as you know how big a problem it is in Tamil Nadu. Some of them are widows, their husbands – victims of alcoholism. It is a male-dominated society here and since I employ only women, they feel safe working at our setup.” 

Some stories still choke him up. One young woman, abused daily by her paternal uncle, was so withdrawn she wouldn’t look anyone in the eye. Dr Soundararajan helped her open a bank account, encouraged her to lead small tasks. When her family tried to bargain her away for land, he intervened, rescued her, and gave her work. Today she is married, saving money, and living with hope.

Another inspiring story is of women who barely knew to ride the cycle are today driving electric autos. Those who had refused to drive them started making a beeline for it seeing the other women taking it up. These women in the picture were trained and now drop off their colleagues and soon they will accept external passengers.

Why The Tribal “Infantry” Matters

Dr Soundararajan often uses a striking metaphor: “In a war, you may have air force and navy, but without infantry, you can’t win. Similarly in Ramayana also you can see the Vanaras, they play a crucial role. These people are at the bottom of the pyramid and they have national, cultural, societal integrity as well as their credentials are unique in those. We have left all that and moved into concrete buildings, they stayed back and are preservers of Indian culture. In society, the tribal communities are that infantry – the base. Without them, we are like a body without legs, without them we are motionless. We will sink without them.”

For him, helping the tribal people isn’t just charity; it’s civilization-preservation. “They keep alive old stories, old songs, and ways of living with nature. Even today, they will climb hills, live in stone homes, light fires the way our ancestors did. They may be poor in money, but they are rich in heritage.”

But their lives are hard: alcoholism is rampant, often both men and older women drink. Nutrition is poor; many don’t know how to cook a decent breakfast or read a thermometer. Government schemes often fail to reach them, siphoned off by middlemen. Many girls become mothers before 18.

He has seen entire villages with barely four men left because the rest drank themselves to death. “Sometimes, all they want is for me to come and sit with them for 10 minutes. That’s enough for them to feel cared for.”

He continues, “I have adopted three villages. By ‘adopted,’ I mean I give them moral, emotional, and intellectual support – more than just monetary help. I celebrate the Pongal festival with them. Whenever I visit, I take vethala paaku (betel leaves and nuts) for all the elderly women, and chocolates for the children. Over the past three years, these small gestures have made a difference. I can see the change in them.”

This year for Pongal, he gifted them a bunch of vegetables. Generally one ton of veggies are bought for distribution during Pongal at the adopted tribal villages.

Here are some videos of him giving gifts to the women and children during various festivals such as Karthigai deepam, Deepavali etc.

Explaining why people from cities need to build relationships with the indigenous people, he said, “They want, they need, yet they lack emotional connection with the mainstream. They still see themselves as separate from it—even the children. Society has not helped. People donate money and walk away, without building any real relationship. Even when funding is available, there is no genuine engagement. In many cases, middlemen siphon off most of the funds. That is why I am here—to bridge the gap and ensure real integration, not just token gestures.”

He further said, “By saying all this, I want to stress that any society becomes a true society—woven into a proper fabric—only when emotional and intellectual well-being are nurtured. Without that, it becomes a societal problem. In earlier times, kings took care of all aspects of their people’s well-being. Today, in our hurried society, emotional well-being is neglected. People themselves often lack it, so they cannot give it to others. How many of us pause to talk to a stranger on the road, in the park, or in the lift? Very few. Unless we interact, people—especially these communities—will never know they belong.”

Taking pride in his team, he said, “In July 2025, they achieved their highest sales of Rs 1,30,000 all by themselves – without my support. 

Some of the other gestures that Dr Soundararajan has indulged in include taking the tribal children to the airport, taking them for lunch in a city restaurant,

Practical Interventions, Cultural Preservation

Over the years, he has started cafeterias run by tribal women, trained them to make and sell herbal products, and introduced moringa soup to schoolchildren to fight anemia. He celebrates Pongal with sweets for the children and firewood for the elderly. He has taken tribal women on airplanes for the first time, changing how they see themselves forever.

He also urges them: Change your clothes, your house, your income… but don’t change the form of your heart, don’t change your ancestral feeling.

At weddings, he delights in their tradition: the groom in a hunter’s costume, bow and arrow in hand, facing east to shoot before being garlanded by the bride. “How many of us in cities remember such rituals?” he asks. Despite being in abject poverty, at one particular village he went to, the people asked him for a harmonium, dholak, ganjira so they could perform Harishchandra Katha. 

An Invitation to All of Us

Dr Soundararajan’s vision extends far beyond Anaikatti. He dreams of 52 families — from India and abroad — each “adopting” a set of villages, spending a week a year there, living with the people, building real relationships. “It’s not the money alone,” he insists. “It’s the presence.”

His plea is heartfelt: “Please spend at least one week with a tribal village. The knowledge you gain will never come from books.”

Speaking about how all humans on this land are interwoven, he said, “Everyone should look at society as a fabric. A fabric is made of fibres, and its sheen, shine, strength, design, and beauty all depend on the weaving. The weaving is important. In society, we too must be interwoven for the societal fabric to be strong and sustainable. We cannot leave out or isolate any part of society. Nature shows us this truth; it accommodates everything. There is value in everything: from piglets to mosquitoes, from honeybees to rockets, from trees to anything else you can think of. Everything has a meaning and a purpose. The world today is in a hurry. People may call it speed, but speed without control is just haste. Speed with control – that is true speed.”

Living Simply, Giving Fully

Dr Soundararajan lives by example. He has given his eight-bedroom home in Chennai to his family, sleeps on the floor in a small room, owns only a veshti and shirt for daily use, and keeps no health insurance. “I submit everything to the Lord. My needs are minimal.”

His work costs him — over ₹1.5 lakh a month in salaries, electricity, welfare and food for those he supports.  — but brings him immense returns in human affection. “They think of me more than I think of myself,” he says quietly. 

Today, the venture My Tapas sells everything organic, from jams to herbal soup mixes to organic pickles, organic honey, spices, and terracotta kitchenware. The most recent offering is herbal teas. (insert pic) Marketing is almost non-existent; products sell only if someone chooses to support.

This venture and the women working there was mentioned by PM Modi in his Mann Ki Baat episode in October 2022. PM Modi praised how the women do all the work in the terracotta factory – handling every step from processing to final packaging themselves.

The Hindu Civilizational Connect

He also pointed at how the indigenous people are truly rooted to our Hindu culture. He says, “In the setup, I placed a picture of Perumal (Vishnu), and they now perform all the pujas themselves. On Fridays and Saturdays, there is Rama Nama chanting—not mandatory, but it creates a sense of connection. If we consider our epics, even hunters and boatmen were brought into society through such traditions. Society and leadership are vital. Rama himself can be seen in many ways – as a king, as God, and more. But here, these tribal people lack basic skills; they don’t know how to cook on a gas stove, only on traditional stoves, and often won’t use a gas stove even if given one. We have failed them as a society and must buck up.”

He further says, “In one place, the villagers have a small temple. When I first went there, it was completely dark. Inside, bricks were stacked one on top of another without even a little cement or coating. Within stood a stone, a Nandi, and a Ganesha. When asked what they want, they said they want a light for that temple. Imagine, in that poverty, I thought of how they longed for just one light in the temple. Despite their poverty, their torn clothes, their leaking houses, and having no clean place to sleep during the rains, they still felt bad that there was no light in the temple. How can my devotion ever match theirs? Their faith is so deep, and it makes me reflect on myself and how much these people truly value what matters. People should understand and relate to this.”

Why You Should Care

Dr Soundarajan wants his team, the tribal women, to be self-dependent or rather atmanirbhar – self-reliant like PM Modi advocates. When asked how relevant it is to the country and the peoples, in his own words, he says, “Country is nothing but people. People’s vision makes the country. Without values and care for others, it’s just landmass.”

Meeting Dr Soundararajan is to be reminded that one life — lived simply, given fully — can restore hope in many others. His work in Anaikatti is not just about rescuing individuals from poverty’s grip; it’s about weaving them back into the fabric of a society that has too long overlooked them. He also adds, “I was able to change the perspective and empower a village, if I could do that, many more able people can do wonders and reach a lot of these indigenous people. All they need is someone to listen to them, talk to them, and show that we care. Only if you celebrate the relationship, it’s a relationship. Otherwise, it’s just a formal relationship.”

And that is why this story ends not with applause, but with an ask. If you are moved, help him. Visit, mentor, fund a project, or spend a week in a village. Buy their products, spread word and stand with the women of Anaikatti as they reclaim their dignity and dreams – because in lifting them, we lift ourselves. 

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The post Atmanirbhar In Action: This Scientist Left A High Paying Lucrative US Job To Empower Tribal Women In Anaikatti And Restore Their Dignity appeared first on The Commune.

The taste of victory is all the sweeter because of the relentless struggle that preceded it. And this is true in the case of AV Ayyappan. Hailing from a small village in Cuddalore district, Tamil Nadu, Ayyappan has emerged as a shining example of perseverance. After 14 failed attempts, he was finally recommended on his 15th attempt for the Indian Navy. His story is one of self-discovery, discipline, and unshakable determination.

Ayyappan, tell us a little about yourself and how your defence journey began.

Ayyappan: I’m from Cuddalore. My parents were schoolteachers and are now full-time farmers. While in college, I was part of the NCC, which really laid the foundation for my interest in the armed forces. During the COVID-19 pandemic, I helped organize the Swarnim Vijay Run, a marathon commemorating the 50th anniversary of India’s victory in the 1971 war. That event gave me a glimpse into military discipline, leadership, and motivation. After that, I was certain that I wanted to join the armed forces. I attempted the SSB interviews but faced multiple failures: 2 screen outs and then 12 conference outs. Finally, in my 15th attempt at Bhopal, I was recommended for the Indian Navy.

Q: Fourteen missed attempts is no small number. How did you stay motivated through it all?

Ayyappan: It wasn’t easy. Initially, I prepared with friends, we discussed strategies and tried to reflect them in our responses. But I realised I wasn’t showing my true self. I was imitating. After repeated failures, I sat down and created a flowchart of my achievements and experiences. That helped me understand myself better. Once I started projecting my authentic personality in the SSB, I saw results.

Q: What should engineering students keep in mind when applying for defence services?

Ayyappan: Engineering students can apply in their final year via the official portals — joinindianarmy, joinindiannavy, etc. Once shortlisted based on marks, they’re called for the SSB interview, which has two stages:

• Stage 1:
  • OIR (Officers Intelligence Rating) test
  • PPDT (Picture Perception and Discussion Test) – candidates view a picture, create a story, and then discuss it in a group.

  Out of 200–300 candidates, only 20-30 are usually shortlisted to proceed.

• Stage 2:
  • Psychological Tests
  • GTO (Group Tasks) to assess leadership and teamwork
  • Personal Interview

Sometimes no one is selected from a batch. Even among those who pass, some get medically unfit or merit out.

Q: You were once declared medically unfit. Can you talk about that?

Ayyappan: Yes, I was declared medically unfit for two reasons: bowlegs and overweight. I worked on my weight and got fit. For the bowlegs, after review, it was found to be muscle build-up from running, not an actual deformity. I appealed and was cleared.

Q: Did you ever feel like giving up?

Ayyappan: Honestly, no. I always believed I would be recommended. My NCC commanding officer and others had faith in me, and I held onto that. I gave myself a time frame – until I completed my ME. Even if I didn’t succeed then, I would have continued to try while taking up a job.

Q: What kind of support did you receive from your friends and family?

Ayyappan: My friends, mostly NCC cadets, knew how tough the process was. They watched me grow. I was weak in English earlier, but by the end, I could speak confidently and dress well. They appreciated that even though I wasn’t getting recommended, I was improving in life.

At home, my parents were extremely supportive. We had never seen even a jawan in uniform in our village, but they never discouraged me. After every failure, they stood by me.

Q: How did your association with Dream of Defence help you?

Ayyappan: Before joining Dream of Defence, I didn’t know what SSB was. The daily online sessions, the feedback from you and Col Swamy, were game changers. You pointed out my weaknesses in communication and soft skills – I worked on those areas, and it helped immensely.

Q: Tell us about Dream of Defence group.

Ayyappan: The Dream of Defence comprises Major Madhan Kumar, Lt Commander Thiagarajan, and Colonel Swamy – retired army officers who have been guiding the defence aspirants for about 5 years now. It was this group and the guidance of the core members – the veterans that helped quite a few of us participants achieve success – realise our dream of entering the armed forces.
Initially, we were a group of students who began preparing for the exams. Two of them have already become officers (Captain Thirukumaran and Lt Agnivesh) and now me – I am following their footsteps now to become an officer soon. We prepared for the exams together.

Today there are over 100 members in the group comprising of mentors and aspirants.

Q: How did Major Madhan’s guidance impact you?

Ayyappan: I began interacting with Major Madhan after we met while organizing a marathon (as mentioned earlier). I had near-zero idea about the defence related exams and no specific idea about the armed forces to be honest. He helped me with how to begin my preparations and how to go about it. He even helped me analyze my weaknesses – communication was my weak point and guided me to get over it by pointing me to resources and mentors. Every time we discussed my performance, he would analyse everything and tell me how to correct it. He also introduced me to Lt Cdr Thiagarajan, and he conducted many SSB sessions initially. Over time, Col Swamy started guiding us and he is guiding the aspirants now. He is a great mentor.

Q: You’ve been selected for the Navy. What is your branch and role?

Ayyappan: I’ve been selected for the Naval Armament Inspection Cadre (NAIC). The role involves quality assurance, safety inspection, and auditing of naval weapons. With the Navy’s focus on indigenization, NAIC also contributes to R&D and weapon warehouse management.

Q: Was the Navy your first choice?

Ayyappan: Actually, my dream was to join the Indian Army, especially the Special Forces. I was drawn to their combat role and leadership. But I’m honoured to serve the nation in the Navy too, and I will give it my all.

Q: You’re coaching others now, many of whom don’t know English or Hindi. What advice do you give them?

Ayyappan:

1. Confidence is key – Never underestimate yourself.
2. English is important, especially in a multilingual nation like India.
3. Stay aware of your environment, yourself, and keep up with current affairs.

Q: How many hours should aspirants study per day for CDS exams?

Ayyappan: The CDS exam is as competitive as the UPSC prelims now. Aspirants should study for at least 4 hours a day, focusing on the syllabus and previous years’ question trends. Coaching isn’t mandatory, but guidance is crucial, past candidates and online resources help a lot.

Q: You’ve come a long way from being shy and hesitant in English. How did you overcome that?

Ayyappan: I practiced speaking to myself. I’d stand in front of the mirror and pretend to be a newsreader. I recorded myself, listened back, and improved slowly. I made grammar mistakes, but the confidence I built was more important than perfection.

Q: How important is physical fitness in SSB? How did you prepare?

Ayyappan: Physical fitness is essential. In the SSB, there are both individual and group obstacle tasks. I didn’t do any special training — just ran 3 km daily, did pushups, pull-ups, sit-ups — the basics. That was enough.

Q: How did your family react to the final recommendation?

Ayyappan: My parents and younger brother were overjoyed. For all of us, it was a long wait and an emotional moment.

Q: What’s your next goal?

Ayyappan: My next goal is to convert my Short Service Commission (SSC) to a Permanent Commission. I want to excel in my training and clear all requirements in the first attempt.

Ayyappan’s journey proves that with clarity, consistency, and courage, no dream is too far. From a village boy unsure of his English to a confident young officer headed to the Navy, his story continues to inspire defence aspirants across the country.

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The post Perseverance, Resilience, Ayyappan: This Cuddalore Youth Cleared SSB In His 15Th Attempt And Is Set To Join The Indian Navy appeared first on The Commune.

The state of Tamil Nadu has a fairly lower level of armed forces related interactions compared to other border states up north. And yet, the number of defence aspirants is rising here. In the series of inspiring youth we have interviewed, we spoke to a young lad Abikaran from Veerasigamani village in south Tamil Nadu.

Interestingly, the name Veerasigamani translates to “a brave and distinguished gem” — a name that perfectly reflects Abikaran’s spirit and ambition

Read how with dogged determination, he is on his way to become the first Indian Air Force officer from his village.

The Commune: Congratulations, Abikaran. Tell us a bit about yourself.

Abikaran: Thank you, I am Abikaran, a Mechanical Engineering graduate from Veerasigamani village in Tenkasi district. I completed my schooling in the same village and pursued my engineering degree at Thiagarajar College of Engineering, Madurai. After college, I worked as a design engineer in a private firm. My father runs a car service workshop, my mother is a homemaker, and my elder brother is an engineer preparing for the UPSC.

The Commune: What inspired you to join the armed forces?

Abikaran: As a child, I was a big fan of movies, but everything changed when a close friend transferred to a Sainik School. Around that time, I also saw a documentary on the NDA in Class 9, and that really caught my interest. I learned that one could join the armed forces right after Class 12, and this friend explained the entire process to me. That sowed the seed, and I’ve been pursuing it since then.

The Commune: How did your family react when you told them about your decision to pursue a military career?

Abikaran: I first told them in Class 12, but back then I didn’t have full clarity myself. I even attended an interview then but didn’t clear it. Later, I told them I would continue trying after completing engineering. Since they had already seen my interest and seriousness, they supported me again. My parents viewed it like any other profession, though they hoped I would go for a safer stream like the Air Force instead of the Army. My brother has always been supportive – he’s passionate about uniformed services and is trying for the police force.

The Commune: You attempted the SSB 14 times. That’s extraordinary. Can you tell us about that journey?

Abikaran: I gave 11 SSB attempts; 8 times I was screened out, 3 times I reached the conference and was rejected. In my 12th attempt, I was finally recommended for the Air Force, and again recently, in my 14th attempt, I was selected. So I’ve been recommended twice. The journey began in 2023 and went on till December 2024. I went through screen outs in Bengaluru, Allahabad, and travelled long distances only to return without success. It was frustrating.

During one phase, I even doubted myself. At SSBs, officers advise candidates not to put all their eggs in one basket. That made me wonder whether I was truly cut out for this. But I told myself: this one will be my last attempt, and that’s the one I cleared.

The Commune: Tell us about your preparation strategy. How did it evolve?

Abikaran: I started preparing in Class 12 itself. I applied for NDA and technical entry. Though I wasn’t successful then, I did receive call letters for technical entry twice, for Bengaluru and Allahabad, but couldn’t attend the latter due to my father’s health at that time.

After college, I attempted the CDS and AFCAT exams multiple times. I cleared AFCAT thrice and got SSB recommendations twice. After engineering, I also applied through the Technical Entry Scheme and through the NCC Special Entry (I have a C-certificate and was in the Army wing).

The Commune: Did you prepare with friends or alone? And how did you discover Vizhi Awakening Trust?

Abikaran: I began studying on my own, with help from friends and YouTube. Coaching didn’t suit my work schedule. Around that time, a serving officer shared a flyer from Vizhi Awakening Trust. They run the “Naan Thalaivan Thittam” – a leadership development and defence prep programme for rural youth.

They selected me for the pilot batch, and it transformed my approach. Sessions were scheduled early morning and late night to accommodate working aspirants. The Trust brought in veterans who trained us in psychology, group discussion, general knowledge, and personality development. Commander Aravindan, in particular, mentored me deeply. The training sessions are predominatly online to cater to the students who are from all over the state, plus they may be working as well.

The Commune: Can you tell us more about Vizhi Awakening Trust and its work?

Abikaran: Vizhi Awakening Trust, founded in 2014, focuses on eliminating inequity in opportunity and mentorship between urban and rural youth. Their flagship initiative, Defence & Leadership Awakening Movement (DLAM), introduces students to defence careers, not just soldier entries but officer roles too.

They follow a 3-phase model: Awaken – Educate – Empower. Through workshops and direct mentoring, they’ve impacted over 15,300 students across Tamil Nadu. Their model addresses gaps in awareness, access, and mentorship. I was in their first batch with respect to Defence and Leadership, and now they have over 80–100 active aspirants under this, many of whom have been selected.

The Commune: How did you manage work and preparation together?

Abikaran: After college, I took up a full-time job, but defence was still my dream. My routine: I’d wake up by 4:30 or 5 AM, solve a mock test, analyze it, and head to work. During commutes and breaks, I watched news or educational videos. In the evening, I’d take another test. The Trust gave me a structured timetable, which was a game-changer. My day ended at around 11:30 PM to midnight.

For physical fitness, I did basic running on a local ground, as I didn’t have access to sports facilities. I didn’t play any sports during this phase, but I consistently practiced.

The Commune: What was your first choice among the three forces?

Abikaran: My first dream was to join the Indian Army, especially the Para SF. But over time, I became open to all three services. The mentors at the Trust also advised us not to limit ourselves to one force. When I got selected for the Air Force twice, I accepted it. My background in mechanical engineering helped me get selected in the technical stream.

The Commune: What role will you be performing in the Indian Air Force?

Abikaran: I’ve been selected for the Ground Duty (Technical Branch), specifically in Mechanical Engineering. I’ll be a Performance and Technical Officer. The training is 72 weeks – 6 months of basic military training in Hyderabad, followed by a year of technical training, which could be in either Chennai or Bengaluru.

The Commune: What advice would you give to defence aspirants, especially repeaters?

Abikaran:

• Consistency is key. Keep learning and improving.
• Understand the selection process thoroughly.
• If you’re a repeater, don’t get demotivated. Many of us succeed only after several attempts.
• Focus on correcting mistakes – often it’s small, silly errors that cost us.
• Be yourself in the interviews. Don’t try to imitate others. They select you for who you are.

The Commune: Was English ever a barrier for you?

Abikaran: Yes, I studied in a village school, so I wasn’t confident in speaking English. That cost me during the initial SSBs. I worked on it by practicing in front of a mirror, recording myself, and speaking regularly to improve fluency.

The Commune: How is your family feeling now after your success?

Abikaran: They’ve been my biggest support from Class 12 till now, that is over 6 years. My father always said he wanted one of us, either me or my brother, to become an officer. Now he’s proud and relieved that my hard work paid off.

The Commune: Are you the first Air Force officer from your village?

Abikaran: Yes, I’ll be the first Air Force officer from Veerasigamani. One person from here is in the Coast Guard, and a few seniors from college are officers in the Army and Air Force. But many people here don’t know about officer entries – most join as soldiers, even those with degrees. I hope more will learn about these opportunities.

Abikaran’s journey is not just about achieving a dream; it’s about owning your journey and showing up for yourself every single day. As the first Air Force officer from his village, he now stands as a role model for many others across Tamil Nadu’s hinterlands.

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The post From Tenkasi To The Skies, A Veerasigamani From Veerasigamani: Abikaran Speaks To The Commune About His Inspiring Journey To The Indian Air Force appeared first on The Commune.

In a state where cinema and hero worship dominate popular culture, meet 18-year-old Harini Raghavendran from Chennai – a rising star with grit and ambition who has carved a unique path. She’s the first girl from Tamil Nadu to be selected for the National Defence Academy (NDA) after the armed forces opened up the opportunity to women three years ago. Selected in the first attempt, she also made it to the Indian Naval Academy (INA) simultaneously – a rare feat achieved by only a few. From representing Chennai in basketball to making it to the final NDA merit list out of 10 lakh applicants, Harini’s story is nothing short of inspiring.

Harini, tell us a bit about yourself.

Harini: I’m 18 years old, from Chennai. I completed my 12th grade in 2024 and wrote the NDA entrance exam. In January 2025, I got recommended from 33 SSB Bhopal, which also qualifies me for entry into the Indian Naval Academy.

Why did you choose the NDA route? It’s known for its rigorous training. You could have gone for engineering or medicine like most students.

Harini: Both my parents are in the IT field, but I didn’t want that life. That’s why I didn’t even consider engineering or medicine. I’ve always been physically active; I’m a basketball player and fitness has been a part of my life since childhood. NDA requires physical and mental preparation, and I felt drawn to that path.

What was your friends’ reaction when you told them about your NDA plans?

Harini: I didn’t tell them initially. I was still figuring things out after my 12th. Once I made the decision, I shared it with them. They didn’t know much about the NDA, so I explained everything. They were supportive once they understood.

You took a break year to prepare. That’s a big decision when most of your friends were already in college. How did you deal with that pressure?

Harini: I discussed it with my father. I had three chances to attempt the exam, in September, April last year, and April 2025. He said I could prepare full-time, but if I didn’t clear it in two attempts, I’d have to join college and continue preparing alongside.

How supportive was your mother during this phase?

Harini: My mother was extremely supportive. She did a lot of research for me about NDA, SSB, and other things. She helped me with studies and information. Her support made a huge difference.

What do you think helped you crack the exam in your first attempt?

Harini: I love studying, especially Math and Physics. But I wasn’t always disciplined. That changed from Class 10. Before that, I didn’t study regularly. Once I got into a daily routine, everything became easier. Consistency was key.

You mentioned you’re a basketball player. Did that help you during SSB and medicals?

Harini: Definitely. Basketball helped me build stamina and mental resilience. It also helped during the medicals; I cleared them in my first attempt. In fact, in my interview, 1/4th of the questions was about basketball. It really gave me an edge.

How early should someone start preparing for NDA, ideally?

Harini: Starting in 12th is not enough. Ideally, one should start from Class 10, it will also help if they studied for around 8 hours daily – not necessarily at a stretch.

Your generation is very into social media. How did you avoid distractions like Instagram?

Harini: Self-control is important. I’m not on any social media except WhatsApp. Yes, I lost touch with many friends, but that’s okay. My goal was more important.

What motivated you to join the armed forces?

Harini: Initially, I was interested in the merchant navy. Then my mom came across a video of Bhavani Shankar, who got recommended for NDA last year. That inspired her, and then me. I enrolled in the National Defence Institute, met new friends, and got further motivated by their stories.

What’s the selection process like for NDA?

Harini: Around 5 lakh students write the exam each year. About 8000 clear the written part and are called for SSB. Out of these, around 800 get recommended, but only 400 seats are available. Many get merit-out or medical-out. In my batch, 96 girls were recommended, but only 27 were selected.

NDA involves military training along with academics. How are you preparing mentally?

Harini: I’m excited! NDA is a prestigious academy, and though competition is high for girls, the struggle is worth it. To parents and students, don’t be afraid. If your child wants to go for it, support them.

What are your career goals after joining NDA?

Harini: First, I want to enter the academy and make the most of the 4 years of training. I want to join the Executive Branch of the Indian Navy, and I aim to become the best cadet I can be.

So Navy is your top preference?

Harini: Yes, always. It’s been my first choice from the beginning.

How long do you hope to serve in the armed forces?

Harini: If I get a Permanent Commission, it’s a 20-year tenure. But I’d love to serve for 26 years.

What would you say to parents hesitant to let their daughters pursue NDA/OTA?

Harini: There are many girls already succeeding in these academies. The girls selected are tough, intelligent, and inspiring. The NDA is one of the safest and most prestigious institutions. It offers immense knowledge and privileges.

Can you share 4 pieces of advice for NDA aspirants?

Harini:

1. Join only if you’re genuinely interested, don’t do it for show.
2. Self-discipline and self-motivation are essential.
3. Play a sport, it’ll help in ways you cannot imagine.
4. Prepare with a like-minded group of friends; it keeps things enjoyable.

How do you see the interest in defence careers in Tamil Nadu?

Harini: There’s a lot of interest here. Many are aiming for defence roles – through engineering or NDA. I only see that number increasing.

How did your parents support your journey?

Harini: First by allowing me to take a year off. Then by taking genuine interest in the process – be it watching videos or helping with preparation. That made me want to give my best and succeed.

Do you watch movies? Any favourite hero or idol?

Harini: I do watch movies, but I don’t have a favourite hero. I don’t idolise anyone, they’re just doing their jobs.

What helped you stay sane during the preparation phase?

Harini: I wasn’t on social media — not even Instagram. I think not creating an account is a great first step to staying focused. My hobbies helped too – crocheting, cross stitch, solving the Rubik’s cubes. I went to the gym with my dad and played basketball in my free time.

Who is your biggest inspiration?

Harini: I am my own inspiration. My parents inspire me too. But I believe people should give credit to themselves for showing up every day, being consistent, and staying disciplined. I take inspiration from those around me – not celebrities – because I find them relatable. I don’t work based on motivation. I just love what I do.

Finally, why do you say you are your own inspiration? Most people cite a tough phase or another person.

Harini: Because I believe in acknowledging my own efforts. I set small goals and work towards them. I’m not very emotional; I’m practical. I don’t dwell on the past, I just focus on what’s next.

Harini Raghavendran’s story is a reminder that passion, discipline, and inner clarity can go a long way. With her sights firmly set on the Indian Navy, she is not just a beacon of hope for aspiring defence candidates in Tamil Nadu but an emblem of India’s new generation of leaders.

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The post Meet Harini Raghavendran, Tamil Nadu’s First Girl To Crack NDA & INA In First Attempt appeared first on The Commune.

Fearless, fiery, and fiercely articulate—Shehzad Poonawalla has become a household name on Indian news panels for his no-holds-barred takedowns and sharp political commentary. Once a Congress insider, today he stands as one of the most prominent faces of the BJP’s media offensive, often seen dismantling narratives with precision and poise. In this freewheeling interview with The Commune, Poonawalla opens up about his political journey—from the sycophantic corridors of the Congress to the merit-driven ecosystem of the BJP, his take on Rahul Gandhi, the cultural politics of Tamil Nadu, and why the Waqf Amendment Bill is a watershed moment for social justice. True to form, he pulls no punches.

The Commune: You started with Congress back in 2008 — what’s the wildest memory you have from your early days in the party that you still laugh about today?

Shehzad Poonawalla: The answer to question number one. Well, I don’t have any wild memories from my early days in the party, but what I still laugh about today, what I laughed about even back then in the Congress Party, was how people could consider Rahul Gandhi as the leader. I used to always hear that Rahul Gandhi was a complete misfit, and even today, when leaders are forced to project Rahul Gandhi as some sort of a great leader, I know his potential and his capacity is nil, and therefore I can see through the sycophancy involved in that.

The Commune: How does the media cell of Congress work?

Shehzad Poonawalla: Well, the media set of Congress does not work. It only engages in blind criticism without application of mind. It only operates on pushing forward people in factions, and not necessarily people based on talent, and therefore, if you have ingratiated yourself to the head of the media department or some leader, then you get taken as a spokesperson and promoted, if you’re a dynast, you’re promoted. So there’s no real talent in the Congress’s media cell. It’s basically a collection of people who are good at sycophancy.

The Commune: During your Congress days, what was your go-to line to shut down a debate with a rival party worker — and does it still work now?

Shehzad Poonawalla: During my Congress days, also, I used to often tell, not rival party workers but generally everybody else, that we should put a premium on merit and performance, not on Parivaar. And I think I’ve been vindicated as far as that is concerned.

The Commune: You describe yourself as a Muslim by birth/faith and Hindu by culture. Explain it to us. Do you believe in Savarkar’s views about Muslims as espoused in Six Glorious Epochs of Indian History?

Shehzad Poonawalla: As far as that is concerned, just because one is born in a particular religion or follows a particular puja padhathi (method of worship) doesn’t mean that your culture is different. Our culture is common, and that is a Hindu culture. Hindu is a way of life. Sanatan is the only dharma. You can have different mazabhs (sect), you can have different panth, and you can have different puja padhathi. Somebody may be following the Islamic puja padhathi, and somebody follows the Christian puja padhathi but that doesn’t mean that their culture and civilization are different. In fact, even in Indonesia, even though they are Muslim, they continue to have reverence for Ram. So why is that? Because Ram and Krishna are part of our culture. They are not part of just one religion. They are our cultural icons. So one must accept that even if we have different forms of worship, our cultural ethos, our heritage, and our civilization, are all common, and that is why I say that our culture is Hindu. Hindu is a way of life, and that is the larger glue, the civilizational glue that binds all of us, irrespective of our faith or irrespective of our region.

The Commune: You worked with big names like Digvijaya Singh and Rajeev Shukla — what’s the most unexpected advice one of them gave you that stuck?

Shehzad Poonawalla: The most unexpected advice, well, it’s not unexpected, but it is good advice that Rajeev Shukla gave me. And Rajeev Shukla always advocated about how to put people and relations first above just petty partisan divisions and considerations. So in a sense, it is something that he himself espouses this spirit of bipartisanship, and he always said that there should be room for maintaining relations. So one should have political differences, but it should never transcend to personal differences.

The Commune: What is that one moment that made you say “Enough is enough” with Congress?

Shehzad Poonawalla: The one moment that made me say enough is enough with Congress is when Congress was trying to push Rahul Gandhi as the president of the party. So it was not an election, it was a coronation. It was a Taj Poshi. That was when I realized that from 2004 to 2017, all that Rahul Gandhi was giving us was to feel that he would reform the party and that the party would become more democratic, more merit-oriented. But in reality, it was far from the truth. And that was the straw that broke the proverbial camel’s back.

The Commune: According to you, why hasn’t the BJP been able to penetrate TN? Even in Kerala, you have an MP. But TN drew a blank in 2024.

Shehzad Poonawalla: Well, it’s a little complex as to why the BJP hasn’t been able to penetrate Tamil Nadu. I wouldn’t say that that’s the case. We’ve obviously been able to become a party to reckon with, because of the efforts of many leaders, including Annamalaiji, Prime Minister is hugely popular. Our organization hasn’t been able to come on the ground to the extent that it could capture or make the most of PM’s popularity. Also, the fact of the matter is that DMK is an old party because of the kind of language, regional, and emotional politics that it has played, and it has been able to capture the wings of the media, and popular culture like films. Because of that, making political inroads has been a little more difficult. So you can say that the DMK has basically been able to not only capture political power but has been able to impose its worldview in a very big way, very effective way, as far as cultural space is concerned. And therefore the challenge of the BJP is not only to get its organization going but also to break the sociocultural mould which has been created, which is artificial. Because if you see the people of Tamil Nadu, they have great reverence for their faith. They have great reverence for what Prime Minister Modi is doing. But because there is such a propaganda mechanism that is at work, along with a strong organizational mechanism of the DMK that is at work. Because of that, it becomes difficult to penetrate. But in the days to come, you will see that the BJP’s organization and its communication, its outreach, socioculturally, it’s improving. And therefore it won’t be long before the BJP becomes the center pole of Tamil Nadu politics as well. It already has, in a sense, become, because the DMK always attacks BJP. So in a sense, it also realizes that the BJP is a rising force, not just in Tamil Nadu, but in the entire south India.

The Commune: Who is your most favourite rival – Supriya or Shama? Also if you could name one from each party.

Shehzad Poonawalla: My favourite rival to spar with on debates is neither Supriya nor Shama. It’s Rajeev Sardesai. I think he’s the best unofficial spokesperson Congress has, and obviously Preeti Choudhury also. As far as spokespersons from each party are concerned, well, from the Congress, I like Avaid Dubey to spar off with him. Then, from the Samajwadi Party, Rajkumar Bhatti, from the Trinamool Congress, Riju Datta. From the Aam Aadmi Party, I like to expose the idiocy of all the spokespersons, particularly Priyanka Kakkar.

The Commune: Can a Muslim ever become BJP President?

Shehzad Poonawalla: Why not? Any karyakarta of the BJP can become its president. There’s no constitutional bar. It’s only a question of how committed you are and how much work and effort you can put in for the party. The BJP is a platform where only merit is recognized and merit comes first. Doesn’t matter where, which background you come from, who’s your father, who’s your mother, whose son you are, etc, etc. So even a chaiwala can become the prime minister, and a person who was working at Booth level can become the president. Anybody in the BJP can aspire to reach the highest positions, provided he has the support of the people and has put in that much hard work.

The Commune: What is the one argument that will convince people about the news for the Waqf Amendment Act?

Shehzad Poonawalla: Now that the Waqf law has been passed, the one argument I think that is important for people to remember is that Waqf is not a Hindu-Muslim issue. It is not a minority-majority issue. It is an issue of Saamaajik Nyay (social justice) to ensure that the Waqf properties are used for the poorest of the poor in the Muslim community and are not usurped by the Ashraf or the Syed Samaj in collusion with certain political elements who back them.

It’s for the benefit of the Pasmandas, for the Arhanis, for the Boras, for the women. Secondly, it is about Samvidhan Ki Suraksha (protection of the constitution), this unlimited land-grabbing power that was given to the Waqf in the name of vote bank politics, so it could capture any property it liked. It could lay claim to the parliament, lay claim on Eden Gardens, Mahakumbh lands, one 1500-year-old temple in Tamil Nadu, or Vijaypura farmers’ lands. This should stop because it gave it certain provisions by which it could make these unreasonable claims. Then the matter would go to the tribunal without any recourse to the courts. So now this entire unconstitutional arrangement has come to an end. And lastly, it is about Sushasan (good governance). Those huge corruption in the Waqf administration, and even the Muslims acknowledge this. Sachar committee report, Rahman Khan report, and many other Muslim scholars know that there was huge corruption. 3739 lakh acres of land and an income of just 166 crores. So if you calculate the income per acre and compare it with the incomes generated by other such properties or other such institutions, you will find that Waqf is woefully falling short of it. Therefore this is about Sushasan (good governance), Saamajik Nyay (social justice), and ensuring Suraksha of Samvidhan (protection of the constitution). It’s not a Hindu-Muslim issue. So those who are trying to incite in the name of Waqf, are basically the same Jamaat, that was trying to incite in the name of CAA, that nagrikta (citizenship) of Muslims would be in jeopardy if the CAA law was passed. That didn’t happen. Nor is the masjid or kabristan of Muslims going to be in jeopardy because of the Waqf Amendment Act. In fact, it has been supported by KCBC and CBCI Christian bodies, because even they have been the sufferers or the victims of the Waqf. I am an Agakhani and the Agakhani community too had certain issues with the Waqf Board of Maharashtra and others, and therefore we all are very happy that this amendment has been passed and has become law.

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The post From Congress Insider To BJP Firebrand: Shehzad Poonawalla’s Candid, No-Holds-Barred Talk With The Commune appeared first on The Commune.

We all know of the swag and suave Subrahmanyam Jaishankar—his sharp responses, piercing gaze, and viral one-liners have made him an internet sensation. But what about his son Dhruva Jaishankar? While his father dominates headlines and Instagram reels, Dhruva has quietly built his own space in the world of foreign policy and strategic affairs. Like his father, he’s deeply involved in the world of diplomacy—but more from behind the scenes. Whether he’s authoring a book, shaping discussions in think tanks, or engaging in Track-2 diplomacy, Dhruva Jaishankar operates where strategy meets substance.

In this candid chat, he talks about growing up in a family of civil servants, why he never took the UPSC plunge, and whether his father’s towering reputation ever weighs on him. He also dives deep into India’s evolving China strategy, the idea of the “Deep State,” and how ancient Indian texts influence modern statecraft along with insights from his latest book, Vishwa Shastra.

A conversation packed with insights, humor, and some unexpected stories—read on!

1. There are cases where the son is more popular than the father in public life. In the case of politicians, both the son and father become well known. In your case, atleast in Instagram and YouTube, your father definitely is more popular than you with his suaveness and laser eyes. Do your father’s fame and achievements weigh heavy on you?

Not at all. It is remarkable how my father has become well known by the general public in India and elsewhere, but this has mostly occurred after 2022 or so when some of his statements went viral online. I also think it would be a mistake to think of quick soundbytes as the main work of a diplomat, something he has been since 1977. There is a lot of important diplomatic work – with very important and direct implications for the well-being of average Indians – that happens on an almost daily basis but which is still poorly understood. Nevertheless, if viral reels are what excite public interest in the practice and understanding of diplomacy in India, that can only be a good thing. For my part, I’m more of a journalist and historian by background and orientation, and prefer to be an observer rather than participant in international relations: one who tells the story rather than one who becomes the story. I don’t see why anyone else’s achievements should weigh on me at all.

2. You come from a family of civil servants? Why didn’t you give it a try?

I did think about it, but the preparation for the UPSC exam is very hard and would have taken a lot of time, which I felt reluctant to invest in until it was too late. In hindsight, I also realise I would not have made a very good civil servant, and I enjoy the relative autonomy and entrepreneurial nature of what I do now. I suppose I was also fortunate that there were professional and educational opportunities that were available to Indians of my generation that were not available to those in my parents’ or grandparents’ generation.

3. Can you manage a few words or sentences in Tamil?

இல்லை

4. What’s the most unexpected thing that’s happened to you during a diplomatic or policy event?

Well, unexpected occasions are a regular occurrence in the policy world: it keeps you on your toes. I think one amusing occasion was in January 2016 when I was entering the Japanese prime minister’s office to interview one of his aides about India-Japan relations, a few hours after North Korea tested a nuclear device. The local press chased me down, visibly confused about why an Indian-looking person pertained to North Korea’s nuclear programme!

5. Coming to your latest book Vishwa Shastra, you reference Puranas, Vedic texts, as well as works like the Arthashastra and Manusmriti to highlight India’s ancient strategic traditions. How do you see these historical frameworks influencing India’s contemporary foreign policy and statecraft?

Overall, I think India’s pre-Independence history remains pertinent in a variety of ways, including for modern India’s economy, diaspora, geographical boundaries, religious composition, and political character, and I attempt to demonstrate how. But I also try to remind many readers both of India’s tradition of statecraft and also shed light on historical links that many Indians may be less familiar with. Finally, as I write explicitly, the pre-Independence period is a reminder of the timelessness of competitive power politics, of commercial enterprise and exchange, and of competition over norms for international engagement. These all have important and immediate lessons for India today.

6. Are you a China hawk or a US hawk? Is the rhetoric about the Deep State valid or overhyped?

I don’t like to conform to labels and would leave it to others to draw their own conclusions. I do write – and try to demonstrate clearly – in the second part of my book that China is a major obstacle to India’s international ambitions, whether it is India’s economic transformation, its neighbourhood policy, the regional balance of power, relations with Pakistan, or matters of global governance. Indians should have clarity about that. Meanwhile, India’s relationship with the United States is complex. There are many areas of cooperation covering virtually every domain, which many critics in both countries frequently overlook. But there remain continuing differences, as over Russia, Pakistan, Bangladesh, Myanmar, trade, immigration, and social issues, and these should be addressed candidly. In fact, I find Americans are generally receptive if India’s position is explained clearly and they appreciate candour. On assessments of the United States, I find a lot of Indian commentary frankly embarrassing. The U.S. is – like India – a competitive democracy with multiple formal and informal interest groups advocating for a variety of positions, some supportive of and some critical of India. These must be analyzed objectively. I find those that buy into a simplistic ‘deep state’ narrative suffer from the same problems – specifically, an over reliance on certain Western media narratives – that they accuse their critics of.

7. You stress the need for India to manage competition with China proactively. Do you see any realistic areas for cooperation between the two nations?

It shouldn’t be complicated. There should be cooperation with China – as with any country – if that cooperation advances India’s interests while mitigating costs and risks. Such cooperation could extend, for example, to some economic exchange in non-sensitive areas, if balanced, and we perhaps need more people-to-people exchanges and understanding. But the fact is that China has shown a consistent disregard for India’s sensitivities over many decades, and this is reflected quite clearly in even recent engagements with Chinese counterparts.

8. While India has strengthened ties with QUAD and other regional players, China continues to expand its influence aggressively—both militarily and economically. Do you believe India’s current approach to countering China is sufficient, or does it require a more disruptive strategy?

China’s influence has actually decelerated a little bit, and moved into new domains. But for the foreseeable future, Beijing retains a resource advantage vis-a-vis New Delhi. What I try to point out is that China’s influence – including in the Indian Subcontinent – is not new, in some cases dating back to the 1970s and 1980s in Pakistan, Sri Lanka, and Bangladesh. I do outline a number of steps that India must take, including in terms of military preparedness, industrial and trade policy, neighbourhood initiatives, maritime security, and balancing with like-minded powers. In some areas, including on the border and maritime domain, this will require new approaches to deny Chinese adventurism at the border, maritime control in the Indian Ocean, and exploitation in the cyber and space domains.

9. One of the key themes in Vishwa Shastra is strategic patience. Do you think India’s diplomatic approach sometimes leans too much toward patience rather than proactive assertion?

I’m not sure I would agree with that. In fact, it calls for a great deal of urgency, particularly when it comes to some areas of domestic transformation such as defense procurement and technology policy. I also document many cases of India being more assertive, historically and more recently, with mixed results. It is worth reflecting when it pays to be more assertive, in what ways, and what are the potential risks and costs.

10. If you could have a casual coffee chat with any historical leader, who would it be and why?

This is hard, but I’ll restrict myself to five fascinating figures from Indian history, all of whom feature in my book: the Emperor Ashoka, Maharaja Ranjit Singh, Ahilyabai Holkar, Dr. B.R. Ambedkar, and General K. Sundarji. Why? Each was ahead of their times in their worldviews and meaningfully shaped statecraft, governance, or matters of war and peace.

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The post Dhruva Jaishankar Speaks To The Commune On Diplomacy, Strategy, And Carving His Own Path appeared first on The Commune.

Most of us outside Andhra Pradesh and Telangana have only seen the firebrand BJP leader Kompella Madhavi Latha through television appearances and her viral videos on social media. In our minds, she embodies a divine femininity—graceful, strong, and deeply rooted in tradition. Meeting her in person only reinforced this image.

With flowers adorning her neatly tied hair bun, a bright red bindi on her forehead, traditional religious markings, a sparkling nose ring, and a richly woven saree, she embodied the essence of a quintessential Telugu gruhini. Draped in a saffron shawl over her shoulders, she was every bit the Madhavi Latha we have seen on screen.

Madhavi Latha, both on and off screen, remains the same—grounded, articulate, and deeply spiritual. As we spoke with her, it became evident that she is not only well-read but also deeply connected to her cultural roots. She effortlessly chanted slokas and shared insights with a calm, unwavering demeanor. Her daily puja rituals are a non-negotiable part of her routine, performed with devotion and without a hint of reluctance.

During the brief time we spent with her, we managed to touch upon a few important topics, each conversation revealing her depth of knowledge and unwavering commitment to her beliefs. Madhavi Latha is not just a political leader; she is a symbol of tradition, strength, and intellect, seamlessly blending modernity with timeless values.

The Commune: You’ve been described as “communal, misogynistic, patriarchal” by the leftist media. How do you respond to these characterizations?

Madhavi Latha: I would ask who has ever tried to do good for society and been spared from such negative comments? Even the lotus comes from the mud. If someone claims I’m patriarchal or communal/Islamophobic or misogynistic, let me respond with facts.

I have facilitated 1,008 free normal deliveries for women in need. This inspiration came to me when I was reciting the 1,008 names of the Mother Goddess. The Sahasranama itself begins with “Sri Mata” – Mother was sending me a message that Mata, motherhood comes first. Even in Telangana, pregnancy wasn’t included in the state health scheme until recently. I decided to help women by providing free normal deliveries with pre and post-natal support. Interestingly, 70-75% of the women who availed this service were Muslim.

As for being misogynistic, my spiritual practice begins with honoring the Mother Goddess. My charitable work has always focused on women and girls. I prioritize supporting the girl child, then boys – not because I discriminate, but because I feel a special connection to girls’ needs.

The Commune: What was your thought process when you realized you weren’t winning your seat?

Madhavi Latha: What defines winning and losing? If you and I take an exam, and you use a book while I rely on what I’ve learned, you might get a gold medal. But what really matters? For me, winning isn’t the criterion. What’s important is whether I revealed truths that the public needed to know.

I exposed bogus voting and booth capturing. I revealed how the Telangana government aligned with people of problematic ideology. I highlighted how brutally women within certain communities are being neglected. I’ve shown how elections, meant to be a sacred democratic process, are being misused.

Winning and losing have different definitions for me. I didn’t enter politics for personal gain but to contribute something positive.

The Commune: You visited some challenging areas with difficult demographics. Where did you draw your courage to go to such places?

Madhavi Latha: For me, those people are my people. I embody motherhood, and whoever is an authentic, legal citizen of Bharat Mata is my sibling or my child. It doesn’t matter which religion or community they belong to. I only object to illegal immigrants, not legitimate Indian citizens.

When I visited Muslim-populated areas, they showed me tremendous love – especially economically disadvantaged Muslims. They love me because I’m concerned with whether true Indian Muslims are getting their rights or if outsiders are taking what belongs to them. The MIM has ruled these areas for 50 years without lifting their own community from poverty, while in 10 years, Modi ji has elevated India’s economic standards significantly.

In my own political team, I have 50% Muslims and 50% Hindus working with me. Abbas Bhai, an elderly Muslim man, sis my guide and helping hand.

The Commune: You are a multi-faceted and multi-talented person. You perform your daily Poojas without fail, you were an NCC cadet, you’re an entrepreneur, you are multilingual. In fact, we were surprised to hear that you can read and write Tamil and speak Hindi as well as your mother tongue Telugu and Urdu with ease. What other languages do you know, and what are some other facts we don’t know about you?

Madhavi Latha: I love Tamil and Kannada, as my father’s family speaks Kannada fluently. Hindi connects our entire country, though it’s not officially declared a national language. We learn English not because we surrender to it, but as a medium to communicate beyond our state.

I even speak Urdu and love languages in general. Languages are beautiful, like natural resources – mountains, rivers. If given the opportunity, I would love to learn many more languages, but I can manage with Tamil and Kannada well enough to find my way.

The Commune: How do you view the language politics currently playing out in Tamil Nadu?

Madhavi Latha: Unfortunately, the Tamil Nadu government should focus on more pressing issues. I’m disappointed their thinking is so limited. Most Tamilians, including skilled workers, speak English – did that stop them from speaking Tamil?

I speak Telugu – did I stop speaking it? Did Biharis stop speaking Bhojpuri? Did Assamese stop speaking Assamese? Did Gujaratis or Maharashtrians abandon their languages? People’s representatives should use common sense. Instead of fixating on Hindi, address the rape case at Tamil University. Help children of drivers and laborers access good schools.

As elected officials with a five-year mandate, they should understand how precious that time is and the value of people’s votes. We’ve invested five years of potential development in these representatives, and they’re focusing on such trivial matters. What difference does it make? Learning another language only expands your horizons – you read more newspapers, watch more channels and movies. Did they stop Hindi movies from coming to Tamil Nadu? They need better intellectual advisors.

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The post BJP Leader Madhavi Latha Speaks To The Commune On Being Labelled As “Communal, Misogynistic And Patriarchal” appeared first on The Commune.

Meet ‘Savukku’ Shankar, the man who’s been a thorn in the side of Tamil Nadu’s political establishment for quite some time. A former government clerk turned digital rabble-rouser, Shankar has made a career out of airing the dirty laundry of Tamil Nadu’s power brokers.

His journey from a lower division clerk in the anti-corruption bureau to a YouTube cult figure in Tamil politics is as improbable as it is contentious.

‘Savukku’ Shankar’s modus operandi? Leak first, ask questions later.

His blog ‘Savukku’ (Tamil for ‘whip’) became notorious for publishing damning allegations against politicians and bureaucrats, often backed by leaked documents and recordings. But here’s the rub: while some hail him as a crusader for truth, others dismiss him as an opportunistic provocateur with a personal axe to grind.

His critics accuse him of being a political chameleon, praising the DMK one day and eviscerating them the next. They question the veracity of his ‘sources’ and wonder aloud about his true motivations. Is he really fighting corruption, or just settling scores? The Commune caught up with Shankar in an email interview. Read on…

The Commune: Introduce ‘Savukku’ Shankar to a pan-Indian audience.

Savukku Shankar (SS): We belong to an agricultural family. My father comes from a remote village in Thanjavur district. He was the first in the family to finish Pre-University in his village. He got a job at Standard Motors in Chennai through employment exchange. He was appointed as Lower Division Clerk in TN’s anti-corruption bureau.

In 1991, my father passed away suddenly, and I was appointed as LDC in TN Vigilance and Anti-Corruption. I was just 16 then and had completed my 10th standard. I never went to college and till now 10th standard is my only educational qualification. I got my promotions and became a Special Assistant in the Confidential Branch of the DVAC.

In 2008, a conversation between Vigilance Director Upadhyay IPS, and then Chief Secretary LK Tripathy got leaked. In the conversation, Tripathy was instructing Upadhyay to register a fresh corruption case against Selvi J Jayalalithaa, regarding the purchase of the Kodanadu estate. Upadhyay could be found refusing citing lack of evidence. This audio got leaked in the media and there was a Commission of Inquiry. The CoI said “I could be the one who leaked the audio” and recommended a CB-CID probe. I was arrested by CB-CID in July 2008 and got suspended. I remained under suspension till November 2022 and then the government dismissed me owing to my conviction in a contempt case by Madurai HC. The phone tapping case ended in acquittal in 2017, and after 11 years, the DMK government has gone on to appeal against the acquittal in the Madras HC.

After I got suspended, I did not have any work and was receiving a subsistence allowance. So I started assisting my advocate in his office in secretarial work. Right from a young age, I used to be a voracious reader and a keen observer of politics. Politics always fascinated me.
At that time (2008), the blogging concept was budding in Tamil where bloggers used to write about movies and literature. I broke the trend and started writing about corruption in the DMK government and bureaucracy. In 2010, I broke a story with documents about the then Intelligence Chief Jaffar Sait, who was very powerful in the DMK government. The next day, Jaffar Sait ordered my arrest in a false case and I was in prison for two days. The media reported it and my blog became popular.

This created interest in me and information started pouring in against the government. Since even then DMK kept the media under control, and my blog “Savukku” meaning whip, became the only outlet against DMK. That is how I got the acronym “Savukku” Shankar.
Till November 2022, I had been receiving a subsistence allowance from the government. Since I was getting around 40K from the government, I didn’t work anywhere or start any business as the 40K was enough for my sustenance. After my dismissal from the government, I had to do something. As I love journalism, I got help from friends and established Savukku Media in September 2023.

The Commune: You often mention ‘sources’ in your tweets. How much of that is based on verified information, and how much is masala?

SS: Look, people trust me. I know the reach of my information. The general audience trusts my information. Adding masala or exaggerating information will lead to a loss of credibility. Due to 15 years of experience in the field, I have the capability to sieve through real information and a plant. I agree that, at times, my sources may also be misled. But it happens rarely. If I think people are fools to believe whatever I write, there can’t be a bigger fool than me.

The Commune:  Some call you a whistleblower, others say you’re a provocateur with a vendetta, or are you just out for revenge?

SS: I consider myself as a whistleblower. My trouble started in my department due to my questioning of IPS officers getting preferential seats in the premier Anna University engineering courses.

Vendetta portion I firmly deny. If at all I had a vendetta, I should have continuously been against the DMK for the custodial torture I suffered during my arrest in 2008 in DMK govt. But I took a firm stand against the ruling ADMK in 2011 till their term ended in 2021. I was writing continuously against the ADMK govt till 2021.

Agent provocateur, feel it is the precise reason to publish news.

The Commune: How was your latest jail experience? You’ve mentioned the extensive travel due to the multiple cases against you, but what did a typical day look like for you? What kind of food were you served, how did you spend your time, and what were your interactions with fellow inmates like?

SS: My current prison experience was extremely difficult and cruel. I bore the full might of the state. Everyone wanted to do something to me and score brownie points with the ruling regime. On the night I was remanded (4th May 2024), immediately after I was admitted to prison, I was blindfolded and assaulted by 10 prison wardens. My desperate plea for mercy fell on deaf ears. Due to this assault, I suffered three fractures in my right hand due to which I could not use my right hand for 2 months. Even after the fracture, treatment was not given for 4 days. By this time, blisters appeared in my right hand where the lathi blows fell. Being a diabetic, I feared gangrene. Later the court intervened and then I got treatment.

Due to the fractures, to eat I needed a spoon, and metal spoon is a banned object in prison. I was provided with a plastic spoon. In Coimbatore prison, where I was first lodged, the experience was horrible. The prison superintendent Senthil Kumar, who ordered the breaking of my hand, confined me in a section where prisoners with psychiatric illnesses are lodged. The lockups in these cells are never opened. He had terrorized the entire prison by warning that those who talked with me would face severe punishment.
For 20 days I was in Coimbatore prison and the Madras HC thankfully transferred me to Chennai prison.

Chennai Puzhal prison gave a different treatment to me. They understood how to torture me without touching me. They refused me newspapers, which I found very disturbing to me. After I fasted for 3 days, they allowed two newspapers, and once the month was over, they again stopped. Foreign prisoners who were confined in the same block were warned of cutting off ration when they shared their newspapers.

I was locked up within a section where a few non-Tamil prisoners were confined. Though more than 50 prisoners including 30 foreign prisoners were allowed to move freely inside the High Security Block, I was not allowed out of my section.

My typical day in prison started with meeting the Jailer who comes for his morning visits at 7. He will listen to grievances. My daily requests to newspapers were always denied with a smile by officers.

I was never allowed to go to prison hospital till I went out of Puzhal prison because DMK former Minister Senthil Balaji was housed there. My PoP for the fracture was opened by doctors only in my cell and not in the hospital. When I was fasting, an IV drip was administered by seating me in a chair and tying the IV drip to the prison bar.

Books were my only companion in prison. Though Puzhal prison officials gave me English fiction books available in the prison library, they withheld all the books given by my advocates.

In Madurai too I was kept separately with a few prisoners in a murder case. Here I neither had problems with newspapers nor with books. But the heat was unbearable. The prison built in 1856 used to radiate heat at night. It was 40 degrees in Madurai throughout my stay.

The Commune: What’s the first thing that comes to your mind when you think of the DMK?

SS: Arrogance.

The Commune: Before 2021, you praised the DMK and said Stalin was the right person to save Tamil Nadu from Edappadi K. Palaniswami and keep the BJP out. You were also vocal in your criticism of AIADMK, even making personal attacks on its leadership. Now, your stance has completely changed. What happened? Didn’t you foresee how the DMK would govern, given its past reputation?

SS: I firmly believe that once in five years there should be a change in government. I felt there should be a change after 10 years of continuous ADMK rule. I also felt that DMK would have learned its lessons after not being in power for 10 continuous years. I don’t feel any change in me, as I continue to question the ruling party which I feel is the job of a journalist, not to question opposition.

The Commune: Do you think democracy is in danger in Tamil Nadu?

SS: I rather feel there is no democracy in TN. TN has become a police state. Supreme Court in several judgments insisted on the importance of Article 19 (1) (a) – Freedom of expression. Lack of freedom of expression instills fear in the minds of citizens and it tinkers with our thought process and affects the flow of thought.

My arrest and arrests of several people for tweets, FB posts, YouTube videos, etc., have scared most of the people in TN to express their thoughts against the DMK govt. My arrest was the last nail in the coffin.

The Commune: Why do you think the DMK should be eradicated?

SS: DMK has served its purpose. Time has come for it to perish I feel. All the terms of DMK be it the seventies, nineties, or the 2006 and the current regime, displayed arrogance of the highest order. The current regime is the pinnacle of arrogance. DMK has come far away from its ideologies. There is no social justice even within the party. There is only family justice. Neither the current President of DMK – MK Stalin, nor the future president – Udhayanidhi instills any hope of a revival. It has reached its expiry date.

The Commune: Udhayanidhi Stalin or Kanimozhi? Who is better suited to lead the DMK?

SS: Kanimozhi could be a better leader, but she lacks the will and drive. She is timid.

The Commune: People call you a proxy worker for Kanimozhi. What’s your comment?

SS: I feel Kanimozhi deserves a better place in DMK. She did spend 6 months in prison for the family. Only for family – to protect her stepmother from going behind bars at the request of her father. I know what prison is. I feel she should be given a better position. After all, even in family politics, there should be some fairness.

Compared to Kanimozhi, Udhayanidhi Stalin, never faced even a bit of difficulty in life. His life is the life of a prince in a palace. When he is about to be handed over the party, Kanimozhi deserves better I feel, and I spoke my mind.

The Commune: The DMK, while in opposition, kept the AIADMK on its toes with protests, social media narratives, and through cinema. The AIADMK, as the opposition now, seems lackluster. What’s holding them back from delivering stronger punches?

SS: I agree that ADMK’s performance is lackadaisical. True, they are missing out lot of opportunities to deliver a knockout punch on the DMK. But I understand the lack of power in the punches of ADMK due to the confusion prevailing regarding the existence of factions. But, I feel Edappadi Palanisamy is a canny player. His firm stand not to induct any of the factional leaders shows his resoluteness and firmness. This is a quintessential quality for a leader. He has his ears on the ground. I expect ADMK to deliver better in 2025. EPS very well knows that, if he doesn’t capture power in 2026, he will perish along with the party. It’s a final battle for him.

The Commune: How much of an impact do you think Vijay will have on Tamil Nadu politics? Or is he a proxy for the DMK to siphon off anti-DMK or anti-incumbency votes for 2026, similar to what Kamal Haasan did in 2021?

SS: Vijay is certainly not a proxy of DMK. And Vijay is certainly not Kamalhassan. But, even after the formal announcement of a political party, he has not commenced politics at all. Till his final film is released, I don’t think he will comment on anything fearing the business of his last movie, as entire theaters in Tamil Nadu are controlled by Udhayanidhi-owned Red Giant. Let him properly enter politics. We can then gauge him.

The Commune: What are three good and three bad things in the last 10 years of BJP rule?

SS: I am not able to see any good things in the BJP rule of 10 years. Regarding bad things, I can write multiple pages.
The two most important things that the BJP has done damage I feel are foreign policy and communal politics. All our neighbours have become inimical to us and BJP has not countered the existential Chinese threat properly. Due to communal politics, BJP has torn the fabric of the country on communal lines which do not appear to mend any time soon.

The Commune: You’re a supporter of Rahul Gandhi. Some argue that while it’s one thing to criticize the ruling government as an Opposition leader, it’s another to attack India from abroad. His comments have provided fodder for anti-Indian elements, such as the recent remarks regarding Sikhs that have been exploited by Khalistani terrorists like Gurupatwant Singh Pannun. What are your thoughts?

SS: I do not mind criticizing the ruling government anywhere in the globe. Truth can be spoken anywhere. PM Mr. Modi has gone to the extent of campaigning for Trump in a Presidential election. Regarding Khalistani terrorists, they increased their voice due to the botched attempt by India to assassinate such elements on foreign soil. This had armed the Western nations with a stick to beat India.

The Commune: Using caste slurs for any caste is wrong, yet terms like “paarpans” and “noolibans” used against Brahmins often go unchallenged. What are your thoughts?

SS: Regarding the word “Paarpans” I felt it’s not a slur as poet Bharathy had used it. If it offends people, I have to change. I have never used the word “Noolibans”.

The Commune: You seem to make personal attacks on individuals you dislike, whether it’s Sridhar Vembu, Ramnath Kovind, EPS, or certain police officers. Don’t you think criticism should focus on the merits or demerits of a person’s words or actions rather than being personal?

SS: No excuse on this aspect. I should mend. I evolve and learn constantly. Yes, I completely agree that criticisms should be on merits and actions. I regret making personal attacks.

The Commune: Who is your favorite politician on the national level, and why?

SS: Rahul Gandhi. I like the fighting spirit in RG. He appears to be undeterred, and he doesn’t hesitate to pull punches on anything that was considered taboo. One defeat can deter a leader. After three losses, he is up and fighting.

The Commune: Who is your favorite politician on the state level, and why?

SS: Edappadi Palaniswami. EPS doesn’t have savvy education. He is not a scion of any big political family. Surviving and taking over AIADMK after the demise of Jayalalithaa managing the factions and emerging as a single unanimous leader shows that he is a very good political player. Good players make any game interesting.

The Commune: Share one positive and one negative trait about each of the following politicians: Udhayanidhi Stalin, Annamalai, Edappadi Palanisamy, and Seeman.

SS:

Udhayanidhi Stalin
Positive – Very polite
Negative – Careless

Annamalai
Positive – Ambitious
Negative – Too ambitious

Edappadi Palanisamy
Positive – Self Confidence
Negative – Too slow in reacting to issues.

Seeman
Positive – Spontaneity
Negative – Thoughtless utterances.

The Commune: What are your favorite movies and TV shows? Are you currently binge-watching anything?

SS: Favourite movie – Vada Chennai, Viduthalai, Nayagan, Mudhal Mariyadhai, Satya
TV Shows – Game of Thrones, Money Heist.
I am not binging on anything as the numerous cases take my time. I spend most of my time with advocates discussing proceedings. Maybe after I get a breather after a few months, I will watch something interesting.

The Commune: Can you recommend three books?

SS: Freedom at Midnight by Dominique Lapierre and Larry Collins

India After Gandhi by Ramachandra Guha

The Last Moghul by William Dalrymple

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The post “DMK Must Be Eradicated”, Says YouTuber ‘Savukku’ Shankar In This No-Holds Barred Interview With The Commune appeared first on The Commune.

Purnima Kothari won’t celebrate Deepavali well this year. She hadn’t celebrated it since 1990, when her brothers Ram and Sharad Kothari sacrificed their lives for the Ram mandir in Ayodhya. We caught up with her. She kindly agreed to share her views with us, even though memories of her siblings made her choke with tears while talking.

It has been 34 years, but it is evident that time hasn’t fully healed her wounds.

We asked her if she would do something unique this Deepavali.

It will be nothing special. I haven’t been celebrating Deepavali since the 90s. This year, it will be a simple affair, too. I will be very much at home, and my daughter will celebrate with her friends in the neighbourhood.

However, she did celebrate Deepavali this year on January 22 when Prabhu Ram finally came to his janmasthaan in Ayodhya. 

“You won’t believe it, but it was after 35 years that I celebrated with crackers and diyaas. My daughter and I lit lamps in Ayodhya as if it were Deepavali. I can never forget that day.”

The last time Purnima Kothari joyfully celebrated the festival was in October 34 years ago with her two brothers and parents. She is the only person alive who remembers that day. 

Shortly after the Deepavali in 1990, Purnima’s brothers left to do Karseva in Ayodhya and promised to return before her wedding, planned for December. Purnima, then a shy and introverted 19-year-old woman, wanted to go with them, but they didn’t let her. Her doting brothers firmly told her she had to stay back and care for their parents.

It wasn’t easy for the Kothari brothers to reach Ayodhya for the karseva then. Their path was fraught with obstacles. Under the orders of then Chief Minister Mulayam Singh Yadav, the Uttar Pradesh government had cancelled all train and bus services, erected barricades, and imposed a strict curfew. 

The karsevaks took many strenuous routes through jungles and rivers to reach Ayodhya. On October 30, 1990, after a sadhu commandeered a police vehicle filled with detained karsevaks and drove through the barricades to reach the Ram Janmabhoomi site, Sharad Kothari quickly climbed the domes, hoisted the saffron flag and reclaimed it as a place of Hindu worship.

Security forces opened fire on the Hindu demonstrators, leading to the tragic deaths of many people. Ram and Sharad, aged 22 and 20, took shelter in a house. 

The next day, a sabha (gathering) was convened to brief the karsevaks on the plan for November 2, which also marked the auspicious day of Kartik Purnima. The karsevaks devised a strategy for a peaceful yet potent expression of their devotion and defiance. They were to chant ‘Ram naam’ and march towards the Janmabhoomi. If police stopped them, they should sit down on the spot and sing Ram bhajans.

On November 2 afternoon, while hiding in a house, Sharad heard a gentle knock on the door asking for water. He assumed it was a karsevak needing help. 

When Sharad opened the door, he discovered it was the police who dragged him outside, shot him in the chest and tried to pull away his body. When his elder brother Ram came running to the scene, he was shot in the head from point-blank range. Both brothers died on the spot.

Purnima’s world changed overnight. When she heard the news, she knew her life had changed forever. 

She called off her wedding and wanted to join the same cause as her brothers. Her parents supported this wish and cancelled the wedding. Till Babri was demolished in 1992, they participated in every karseva in Ayodhya. She married many years after a temporary temple for Ram Lalla came up at the Janmsthaan.

Her parents never regretted letting their young, unmarried sons go for karseva on that fateful day. They remained fiercely proud till their last days that their sons sacrificed their lives for Prabhu Shree Ram.

“My world changed overnight. I still can’t believe how things suddenly changed my life forever.  It was my parents, and my Sankalp that we would always participate in any karseva at Ram Mandir. Till Babri fell, my father went to every event there. Even if there were a rumour or light talk about something at Janmasthaan, he would get ready to show up there with the family.”

It isn’t easy for her to talk about those memories. She chokes in tears while talking about her family. She says she and her parents had given up any hope that a grand Ram Mandir would come at the janmsthaan in their lifetimes.

“I never thought I would be able to see Prabhu Ram at his janmsthaan in Ayodhya in my lifetime. The way things were before 2014, we had given up all hope. My parents died yearning for the Ram Mandir. They held on to the dream but died without seeing it come true. We even started doubting if my brothers’ sacrifice went in vain. 

But my illusions were thankfully shattered this January. It happened right before my own eyes in my lifetime. I can’t even begin to describe my feelings during Pran Prathishtha. It was a big deal for me. I was among the 7000 people invited to the event. Everybody was crying when Ram Lalla appeared, including the cameramen. I am an ordinary person, but the people sitting next to me were the creme of the society. They were also getting emotional. “

Purnima Kothari speaks about January 22 as if it were yesterday, and her voice lights up.

There was something divine in the air. The second I stepped on the sacred soil, I could feel Amrit Varsha on me. I am very fortunate that I was able to witness that grand ceremony in my lifetime. I still don’t have words to describe what I saw that day. Ayodhya was different that day. It was as if I was in dev lok.

Purnima Kothari, however, did not go there just as an attendee. She did sewa there for 15 days with her daughter under the banner of ‘Ram Sharad Kothari Smriti Sangh’ to provide tea and snacks to the devotees and the police personnel deployed nearby. This sewa shivir is a part of The Ram Sharad Kothari Smriti Sangh in Kolkata, which she founded in memory of her brothers. This organisation has about 80 members who joined her in this sewa shivir in Ayodhya.

Did she ever feel that the larger Hindu community outside Ayodhya and Uttar Pradesh has not recognised the sacrifices of her brothers?

Purnima says she always had the support of the wider Hindu community. “People used to invite us and honour us across the country after my brothers died. We have visited Kerala, Karnataka, Uttar Pradesh, Rajasthan, Maharashtra, and many other states for tribute ceremonies. So many people have prayed for our family.”

We ask her about her recent foray into social media. Purnima Kothari has an X and Instagram account operated mainly by her daughter, Yashaswini.

“Only when I came on X did I realise how many people were still talking about my brothers. Many saw my presence on social media and insisted that families of Ram Mandir heroes should also be invited to the Pran Pratishtha ceremony.”

Purnima Kothari is grateful to Prime Minister Narendra Modi and Uttar Pradesh Chief Minister Yogi Adityanath for making the Ram Mandir a reality without violence and setbacks.

“I am so happy that Modi ji and Yogi ji paved the way for the Ram Mandir. I respect him so much that I am willing to wash his feet. It is one thing to see the temple getting made finally. It is another thing to make it happen without violence, within time, and without street riots. People don’t realize what a huge deal it is. 

If he managed the affairs in the centre, Yogi Ji handled the situation in the state. Many people are not aware of his involvement in the Ram Mandir movement. He has played an important role, too. And look how well he is managing Uttar Pradesh. Thanks to them, I have seen my biggest life dream come true before my own eyes. Even my family and I gave up on seeing Ram Mandir, but they didn’t give up.”

How does she feel when some political parties in southern states question the existence of Lord Rama and abuse him for vote bank appeasement?

“I don’t understand how people can prioritise politics over their deities. What kind of politics is this, and how can these people say vile things about their deity? No other place can claim the kind of connection that Southern India has with Prabhu Shree Ram. Look at Ram Setu, Rameshwaram, and so many places where Ramayan happened. Prabhu prayed in Rameshwaram to defeat Raavan, yet some politicians say that Lord Ram is the only god of north Indians.” 

But we live in such times that those in our fold betray us most. Hindus are pulling down other Hindus. Some Hindus should be ashamed to talk poorly about their Aaradhya to stay in power. I have seen such statements from much earlier. The Congress party used to say such things about Lord Ram, and now other parties are copying them. There is nothing new in this kind of politics. 

Even though Purnima Kothari has sacrificed a lot to see the Ram Mandir in Ayodhya, she is quite proud of passing on to her daughter the same devotion that her parents and brothers had. 

“My daughter Yashaswini was and continues to be deeply involved in many events in Ayodhya, including the sewa shivir we held there. She takes care of my commitments, helps me manage my interviews, and is excited to participate in every event, even the bhoomi poojan. She proudly told her friends that she was going to the Pran Pratishtha ceremony, and they were delighted for her, too. I am proud of her commitment to the Ram Mandir cause.”

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The post 34 Years of Silent Deepavali: Purnima Kothari Speaks To The Commune On Losing Her Brothers For Ram Mandir & Celebrating A Dream Realized appeared first on The Commune.