The Commune – The Commune https://thecommunemag.com Mainstreaming Alternate Sat, 13 Dec 2025 16:30:46 +0000 en-US hourly 1 https://wordpress.org/?v=6.8.3 https://thecommunemag.com/wp-content/uploads/2020/07/cropped-TC_SF-1-32x32.jpg The Commune – The Commune https://thecommunemag.com 32 32 Supreme Court Imposes ₹1 Lakh Fine On NGO For Challenging RTE Exemption For Minority Schools While Hindu Temple-Funded Medical College In Hindu-Minority Kashmir Has To Admit 45 Muslim Students https://thecommunemag.com/supreme-court-imposes-%e2%82%b91-lakh-fine-on-ngo-for-challenging-rte-exemption-for-minority-schools-while-hindu-temple-funded-medical-college-in-hindu-minority-kashmir-has-to-admit-45-muslim-students/ Sat, 13 Dec 2025 16:30:46 +0000 https://thecommunemag.com/?p=135573 The first MBBS batch of a medical college built entirely from offerings made by Hindu pilgrims at the Shri Mata Vaishno Devi shrine has admitted 45 Muslim students and only three Hindus in its very first batch, igniting outrage among the Hindu community. Ironically, this comes at the very moment the Supreme Court has forcefully […]

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The first MBBS batch of a medical college built entirely from offerings made by Hindu pilgrims at the Shri Mata Vaishno Devi shrine has admitted 45 Muslim students and only three Hindus in its very first batch, igniting outrage among the Hindu community. Ironically, this comes at the very moment the Supreme Court has forcefully defended the constitutional privileges enjoyed by minority educational institutions under Article 30.

The parallel developments have thrown into sharp relief a long-ignored inconsistency: minority institutions enjoy ironclad legal safeguards, while Hindu-run institutions, even in Hindu-minority Union Territories, have none.

Hindu Shrine-Funded Medical College Admits 45 Muslim Students 

The medical college at Katra, run by the Shri Mata Vaishno Devi Shrine Board and funded entirely through offerings made by Hindu pilgrims, admitted its first MBBS batch for the 2025–26 academic year with 50 seats. Initial admission lists showed 42 Muslim students, seven Hindu students, and one Sikh student. Subsequent updates from the medical fraternity in Jammu indicated that the final distribution had shifted to 45 Muslim students and only three Hindu students.

Five Hindu girls from Jammu who were allotted seats reportedly chose not to join. A doctor from Jammu told Swarajya that parents were uncomfortable sending their daughters to an institute “when the admitted batch is overwhelmingly Muslim for an institute built on the guiding principles of the Hindu faith and Shri Mata Vaishno Devi.”

The institute is located in Kakryal, Katra, an area that forms a crucial part of the Vaishno Devi pilgrimage ecosystem and is governed culturally by the shrine’s traditions, including strict vegetarian norms.

While authorities maintain that admissions were conducted strictly on the basis of NEET merit and the approved domicile structure, 85% for Jammu and Kashmir candidates and 15 per cent open quota, Hindu organisations, local residents, and political representatives have questioned whether a shrine-funded institution can be treated as ideologically neutral.

Bajrang Dal’s J&K president Rakesh Bajrangi argued that admissions should have been routed through an All India NEET pool or structured to protect Hindu representation, stating that pilgrims across India had contributed to building the institution. BJP legislators echoed this view in representations to Lieutenant Governor Manoj Sinha, arguing that the absence of government funding strengthens, rather than weakens, the case for community-linked safeguards.

Demands For Minority Status And Legal Clarity

Four core demands have emerged from the controversy: cancellation of the current admission list; granting the college Hindu minority-institution status; a review of alleged procedural irregularities in admissions; and amendments to the Shri Mata Vaishno Devi Shrine Act to explicitly define the religious and welfare objectives of institutions funded by shrine offerings.

Medical professionals in Jammu have questioned how admissions were announced when the college’s name reportedly did not feature prominently on National Medical Commission or JKBOPEE listings, and why the process was carried out in what they described as undue haste.

Legal experts point out that the Constitution already provides a pathway. Article 30 guarantees minorities the right to establish and administer educational institutions, and Supreme Court jurisprudence has consistently held that “minority” is State-specific. Hindus, while a national majority, are a minority in Jammu and Kashmir, where Muslims constitute over 68% of the population.

Jammu already hosts minority-run institutions operating within NEET norms, including ASCOMS, which reserves 25% seats for Hindu students as a Hindu minority institution, and a Sikh minority engineering college reserving 50 per cent seats for Sikh students.

The Hypocrisy Of Judiciary

Against this backdrop, the Supreme Court on Friday, 12 December 2025, issued a sharp warning to those seeking to roll back minority protections in education. A Bench of Justice BV Nagarathna and Justice R Mahadevan came down heavily on a writ petition filed by United Voice for Education Forum challenging the exemption granted to minority institutions from the RTE Act.

“You cannot do this to Supreme Court. We are enraged. This is against the entire system of judiciary in this country if you start filing such cases,” Justice Nagarathna remarked. The Court said it was “restraining” itself to imposing a ₹1 lakh cost, adding, “Don’t bring down the judiciary in this country by filing such cases.”

Calling the plea a “grossest abuse,” the Bench questioned how advocates could advise filing a petition under Article 32 to challenge the Supreme Court’s own judgment. “What is happening here? Advocates are giving such kind of advice? We will have to penalise the advocates,” the Court said, while stopping short of initiating contempt proceedings.

The petition had sought to overturn the Constitution Bench ruling in Pramati Educational and Cultural Trust v. Union of India, which upheld the exemption of minority institutions from RTE obligations, including the requirement to reserve 25% seats for economically weaker sections.

“Let this be a message to others. You want to crumble the judiciary of this country,” the Court warned while imposing costs.

How Muslim Minority Institutions Enjoy Extensive Legal And Judicial Protection

This expansive protection is not theoretical; it is visible in practice through institutions like Aligarh Muslim University (AMU) and Jamia Millia Islamia, both of which enjoy minority status and the attendant constitutional safeguards despite receiving substantial public funding. AMU’s minority character, repeatedly litigated, has remained a central legal and political question precisely because of the privileges it confers in admissions and administration. Similarly, Jamia Millia Islamia operates under minority protections that exempt it from RTE obligations and allow autonomy over institutional character. Beyond these central universities, hundreds of Muslim-run medical, engineering, and professional colleges across states function as minority institutions with reserved seats, preferential admissions, and protection from regulatory intrusion. Together, these examples illustrate how Muslim minority institutions benefit from a well-entrenched legal framework that actively preserves their identity—protections that Hindu-run institutions, even in Hindu-minority regions and even when funded exclusively by religious offerings, are categorically denied.

The Contrast Could Not Be More Stark

For Hindus, the juxtaposition can’t get starker. While the Supreme Court, playing the role of ‘protector’, has vehemently defended (non-Hindu) minority institutions’ right to remain insulated from RTE mandates in order to preserve their cultural and religious character, Hindu-run institutions, even in Hindu-minority regions, continue to operate without any constitutional recognition or protection.

Officials in Jammu point out that admissions were drawn from across the Union Territory, where cultural and religious practices vary sharply from those of the shrine town of Katra. They warn that if current trends continue, the institute could face persistent friction over dietary norms, religious practices, and campus culture, issues that are inseparable from a shrine-linked environment.

Are Hindus Second-Class Citizens?

The episode exposes an uncomfortable constitutional imbalance that the Supreme Court has consistently refused to confront. By zealously insulating minority institutions from scrutiny and even penalising those who question this privilege, the Court has effectively frozen a one-sided interpretation of equality in education. While minority rights are guarded with near-absolute rigidity, Hindu-run institutions—even those funded entirely by religious offerings and operating in Hindu-minority regions—are left without any legal mechanism to preserve their character or ensure fair representation. This selective constitutional sensitivity risks transforming Article 30 from a protective provision into a permanent shield against accountability, deepening perceptions that the judiciary is unwilling to even acknowledge, let alone correct, an evident asymmetry in how religious communities are treated under the law.

Source: Swarajya & Bar and Bench

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]]> Leftist Rag The Wire’s Arfa Khanum Sherwani Says Journalists Must Be Anti-Establishment — Her UPA-Era RSTV Career Tells A Different Story https://thecommunemag.com/leftist-rag-the-wires-arfa-khanum-sherwani-says-journalists-must-be-anti-establishment-her-upa-era-rstv-career-tells-a-different-story/ Sat, 13 Dec 2025 16:05:34 +0000 https://thecommunemag.com/?p=135533 A recent statement by The Wire ‘journalist’ Arfa Khanum Sherwani has seemingly exposed her hypocrisy after she asserted during a panel discussion that journalists are “never supposed to be neutral” and must function as the “permanent opposition.” “We are supposed to be anti-establishment. No matter what political party comes to power, we are sitting in […]

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A recent statement by The Wire ‘journalist’ Arfa Khanum Sherwani has seemingly exposed her hypocrisy after she asserted during a panel discussion that journalists are “never supposed to be neutral” and must function as the “permanent opposition.”

“We are supposed to be anti-establishment. No matter what political party comes to power, we are sitting in opposition always… I never ever pretend to be a neutral journalist,” Sherwani said, adding that journalists must consistently side with “the people, the Constitution, and citizens’ freedoms.”

Irony Commited Suicide!

Following her remarks, critics questioned whether this self-description aligns with her professional history. Sherwani’s LinkedIn profile identify her as a founding member of Rajya Sabha TV (RSTV), the television channel run by the upper house of Parliament.

The channel was launched in 2011, and Sherwani remained there until around 2017–18. This period coincides almost entirely with the tenure of Vice President Hamid Ansari, who served as the Chairman of the Rajya Sabha from August 2007 to August 2017.

Arfa Khanum Sherwani’s LinkedIn Profile Screenshot

Opponents argue that if Sherwani defines journalism as permanent opposition to the establishment, her long stint at a government-controlled channel during the UPA era raises questions.

The Central Questions: Who is the “Establishment”?

The debate crystallizes around two interlinked questions:

Does her “anti‑establishment” stance imply support for the current opposition Congress party? If a journalist’s duty is permanent opposition to the party in power, then logically, during the UPA era (when Sherwani was at RSTV), the “establishment” was the Congress‑led government. By her own current definition, an anti‑establishment journalist at that time would have been expected to be in opposition to the UPA.

Did her professional role at a state‑run broadcaster align with being “anti‑establishment”? Critics allege her high‑profile, salaried position at RSTV, a channel whose editorial line was seen by many as sympathetic to the ruling coalition, contradicts her current self‑portrayal as a permanent outsider.

Political commentators claim the contradiction undercuts the moral certainty she asserts in her remarks. Supporters counter that institutional roles do not invalidate principled positions.

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]]> SRM Dismisses Professor For Anti-India Comments On Operation Sindoor; The News Minute Shifts Focus From Conduct To Her ‘Dalit Christian’ Identity https://thecommunemag.com/srm-dismisses-professor-for-anti-india-comments-on-operation-sindoor-the-news-minute-shifts-focus-from-conduct-to-her-dalit-christian-identity/ Sat, 13 Dec 2025 08:08:16 +0000 https://thecommunemag.com/?p=135606 A week ago, the self-styled champion of the rights of the downtrodden, The News Minute, published its report on SRM University’s action against a staff member over her comments during Operation Sindoor. The university had first placed the staff member under suspension and, in December 2025, proceeded to dismiss her following an internal inquiry. But […]

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A week ago, the self-styled champion of the rights of the downtrodden, The News Minute, published its report on SRM University’s action against a staff member over her comments during Operation Sindoor.

The university had first placed the staff member under suspension and, in December 2025, proceeded to dismiss her following an internal inquiry. But the manner in which The News Minute chose to report this development is telling.

TNM headlined its story as “SRM Uni dismisses Dalit Christian professor targeted by right-wing for anti-war views”, framing the dismissal entirely as a case of caste- and religion-based persecution.

The headline itself suggests that the professor was removed because she was a Dalit Christian and because she expressed anti-war views, with the university portrayed as either complicit in, or cowed by, “right-wing” pressure.

Throughout the report, SRM University is presented largely as a reactive institution acting under external pressure, rather than as a private employer enforcing its own code of conduct following a formal disciplinary process.

What SRMIST Said And What TNM Acknowledged

According to the suspension order dated 8 May 2025, signed by SRMIST Registrar Dr S. Ponnusamy, Lora Santhakumar was placed under suspension “with immediate effect, pending enquiry” for “unethical activities.” The institute subsequently conducted an internal inquiry between 15 July 2025 and 26 September 2025 at its Kattankulathur campus.

TNM itself reported that the inquiry committee, headed by the Director of Student Affairs, with the Deputy Director of Student Affairs as presenting officer, found all five charges framed against her to be proved. These included allegations that her social media posts amounted to unethical remarks against India’s armed forces, actions against national interests, disruption of the institution’s environment, and involvement in what the committee characterised as antisocial and “criminal” activities.

The termination order accessed by TNM stated that she was “unfit to continue her job in the institution” and dismissed her from service with immediate effect, while also granting her the right to appeal to the Vice-Chancellor within 30 days.

Identity Versus Conduct

While TNM repeatedly highlighted Lora Santhakumar’s identity as a Dalit Christian, the report also makes clear, without reconciling the contradiction, that SRMIST had no hesitation in hiring her, retaining her for over 11 years, and placing her in a sensitive role at its Career Development Centre. The institution’s actions, as per the official records quoted, were tied to the content and nature of her posts during a live military operation, not to her caste or religion.

The charge memo and inquiry findings, as reported by TNM itself, did not cite identity as a factor. Instead, they focused on whether her statements, particularly those alleging civilian casualties and accusing the Indian military of “cowardice”, constituted conduct unbecoming of a faculty member and actions against the interests of the nation.

The WhatsApp Status and the Context

Screenshots of Lora’s WhatsApp status that circulated widely online included statements accusing India of killing a child in Pakistan and describing military action as driven by “bloodlust” and “election stunts.” These messages emerged in the immediate aftermath of Operation Sindoor, which the Government of India described as a targeted, precision strike against terrorist infrastructure.

Students and faculty reportedly complained that the posts were misleading, inflammatory, and insulting to the armed forces. It was following these internal complaints that SRMIST initiated disciplinary proceedings.

TNM’s Editorial Emphasis

TNM’s report framed the inquiry as an “eyewash” based largely on Lora Santhakumar’s rebuttals, while downplaying the fact that the inquiry committee accepted the charges as proved. It also foregrounded alleged right-wing targeting while giving comparatively limited weight to the institutional finding that her conduct amounted to major misconduct.

Notably, TNM did not contest that the university followed a formal inquiry process, issued a charge memo, conducted hearings over several weeks, and passed a reasoned order—facts that complicate the narrative of arbitrary dismissal.

A Selective Use of Sympathy

The report devotes considerable space to Santhakumar’s claims that the inquiry was an “eyewash”, that screenshots lacked timestamps, and that her targeting by online actors was not addressed by the committee. These are her assertions, reproduced extensively.

By contrast, the university’s perspective is largely reduced to excerpts from the termination order, without any attempt to contextualise why SRM might consider such conduct unacceptable or why it chose dismissal rather than a lesser penalty.

By leading with caste and religion, emphasising alleged “right-wing” targeting, and minimising the seriousness of the charges upheld by an internal inquiry, The News Minute’s report effectively shifts the debate from professional conduct to identity politics.

What is left unasked is whether a faculty member’s socio-religious background excuses behaviour that an employer—rightly or wrongly—has concluded to be “criminal” and “against the national interests”, using the university’s own disciplinary framework.

Institutional Autonomy and Precedent

As a private university, SRMIST retains the right to enforce codes of conduct for its faculty, particularly during periods of national security sensitivity. SRMIST’s decision, based on its inquiry findings, signals that the university was unwilling to tolerate what it concluded was gross misconduct, irrespective of the employee’s caste or religion – an aspect largely overshadowed in TNM’s coverage.

However, for The News Minute, facts don’t matter – it is always about the identity of the person “persecuted” according to their beliefs. Would they have reported in a similar manner had the person in question been from the so-called upper caste Hindu community? Well, it was a rhetorical question, we know what TNM would have done (or not) – just a passing report or not even that – because it is not newsworthy.

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]]> 17 Reported Cases In 5 Years: How Congress Governments Targeted Journalists And Influencers Across India https://thecommunemag.com/17-reported-cases-in-5-years-how-congress-governments-targeted-journalists-and-influencers-across-india/ Sat, 13 Dec 2025 07:22:41 +0000 https://thecommunemag.com/?p=135551 On 8 December 2025, Telangana Police arrested BJP state social media convenor Sumiran KV and two associates near the Abids Road police station in Hyderabad. The arrests came after posters appeared across the city criticising Chief Minister A. Revanth Reddy’s two-year tenure, listing allegations of real-estate interference, temple demolitions, rising street crime, and commissions in […]

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On 8 December 2025, Telangana Police arrested BJP state social media convenor Sumiran KV and two associates near the Abids Road police station in Hyderabad. The arrests came after posters appeared across the city criticising Chief Minister A. Revanth Reddy’s two-year tenure, listing allegations of real-estate interference, temple demolitions, rising street crime, and commissions in public projects.

In this report, we look at 17 incidents between 2020 and 2025 in which the Congress party or Congress-ruled state governments have filed FIRs against journalists, reporters, YouTubers, and social media influencers. These cases span Karnataka, Telangana, Rajasthan, Chhattisgarh, and West Bengal, and typically involve individuals booked for criticising party leadership, questioning governance, or highlighting local administrative failures.

Actions Against Social Media Users and Influencers

#1 Telangana Police Arrest BJP Social Media Team Over Critical Posters – 9 December 2025

Telangana police arrested BJP state social media convenor Sumiran Komarraju and two associates, Ajay and Tatipamula Sai Kiran Goud, on 8 December 2025 near Abid Road police station in Hyderabad. The arrests followed the distribution of posters criticizing Chief Minister A. Revanth Reddy’s two years in office, highlighting issues including real estate influence, temple demolitions, street crime, and alleged project commissions. The controversial poster depicted Revanth Reddy seated on a throne-like chair with multiple robotic arms extending outward, each holding placards carrying various allegations against his administration.

According to police reports, a Greater Hyderabad Municipal Corporation employee filed the complaint on 6 December 2025, leading to the subsequent arrests of the BJP social media team members.

#2 Telangana Introduces History Sheets for Social Media Posts – 23 September 2025

On 23 September 2025, the Congress government in Telangana directed Hyderabad Cyber Crime Police to open Suspect or History Sheets against social media users accused of “cyber offences” and “financial frauds,” even without convictions.

This unprecedented measure marked the first time in India that social media posts could result in users being placed on criminal history sheets. The official memo cited Standing Order 600-1 of the Telangana Police Manual and Section 111 of the Bharatiya Nyaya Sanhita, ordering police to treat such users as “habitual or addicted offenders” and place them under constant surveillance.

#3 Karnataka Police Arrest Influencer for Criticizing State Leadership – 4 December 2024

Belagavi Police arrested 38-year-old social media influencer Mohit Narasimhamurthy on charges of using abusive and unparliamentary language against Karnataka’s political leadership. The arrest followed a complaint by the Congress state unit regarding a video uploaded by Narasimhamurthy containing alleged insulting content directed at Chief Minister Siddaramaiah, Deputy Chief Minister D.K. Shivakumar, and Ministers Satish Jarkiholi and K.H. Muniyappa.

#4 Hyderabad Police File FIR Against Influencer Over Rahul Gandhi Criticism – 7 July 2024

The Cyber-Crime wing of Hyderabad police registered an FIR against social media influencer Raushan Sinha, known online as @MrSinha_, on 2 June 2024, based on a complaint by advocate Eera Venkat Naik. The complaint alleged that the influencer spread fake news related to Congress MP Rahul Gandhi’s parliamentary speech delivered on 1 June 2024. According to the complainant, Rahul Gandhi had not made any wrong statements against Hindus, but the BJP social media ecosystem was intentionally provoking Hindu sentiment for political advantage.

#5 Karnataka Police Arrest Goa-Based Influencer Over Wealth Distribution Post – 18 May 2024

Karnataka police arrested influencer Vinit Naik from his residence in Ponda, Goa, following an FIR registered by Bengaluru’s cybercrime police. The case was based on a complaint by Congress party worker J Saravanan, who alleged that Naik, operating the X account ‘Bhiku Mhatre’ under the handle @MumbaichaDon, posted content against Karnataka Chief Minister Siddaramaiah that could create enmity between Hindus and Muslims and disturb societal peace. Specifically, Vinit had posted a video of Siddaramaiah’s speech claiming that Congress wanted to take wealth from Hindus and distribute it among Muslims.

#6 Indian Youth Congress Files Complaint Against Three Prominent Influencers – 26 April 2024

Leaders of the Indian Youth Congress filed a complaint on 26 April 2024 at the Cyber Crime Police Station in Hyderabad against three prominent social media influencers: Rishi Bagree, Arun Pudur, and Ajeet Bharti. The complaint alleged that these influencers had morphed and circulated a video of Wayanad MP Rahul Gandhi’s speech delivered in Tukkuguda, Telangana, on 6 April 2024. According to IYC leaders, following Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s controversial remarks, the allegedly edited video of Rahul Gandhi’s speech was widely shared on social media. The complaint claimed that several fact-checkers had identified the video as edited.

#7 Instagram Account Holders Face Case Over Siddaramaiah Post – 12 January 2024

Bengaluru’s High Grounds police registered a case against two Instagram account holders, ‘troll_kannadiga_1’ and Kritika Kriti, for allegedly posting a morphed picture of Chief Minister Siddaramaiah accompanied by abusive comments. The FIR was filed based on a complaint by Sajay Yadav, secretary of the Karnataka Pradesh Congress Committee’s Legal Cell. The charges included promoting enmity between different groups on grounds of religion, race, and place of birth, as well as making or circulating false statements, rumors, or information with specific intent to cause harm.

#8 West Bengal Congress Files FIR Against Rishi Bagree – 1 December 2020

The West Bengal Congress filed an FIR in Kolkata against social media influencer Rishi Bagree regarding his tweet about the ongoing farmers’ protest dated 29 November 2020. In the FIR, Congress accused Bagree of attempting to incite the public through his allegedly provocative tweet and intentionally insulting Congress President Sonia Gandhi, thereby provoking the public at large with intention to break public peace and cause riots. The complaint also mentioned that Bagree committed the offense of intimidation through his social media account.

Actions Against Professional Journalists 

#9 Karnataka Congress Files FIR Against Arnab Goswami and Amit Malviya – 20 May 2025

On 20 May 2025, the Congress party filed an FIR against Republic TV editor-in-chief Arnab Goswami and BJP IT cell chief Amit Malviya for allegedly spreading misinformation against Congress. The case, registered at High Grounds police station in Karnataka, was based on a complaint by Shrikant Swaroop B N, head of the Indian Youth Congress’s legal cell.

The two were booked under Sections 192 (wantonly giving provocation with intent to cause riot) and 352 (intentional insult with intent to provoke breach of peace) of the Bharatiya Nyaya Sanhita.

#10 Congress Files Complaint Against Doordarshan Journalists – 9 May 2025

Karnataka Congress leader CM Dhananjaya filed complaints with Bengaluru’s High Grounds Police Station on 9 May 2025 against Doordarshan journalists Ashok Shrivastava and Prakhar Shrivastava. The complaint condemned a program that allegedly portrayed Congress president Mallikarjun Kharge as a “traitor” during a period of heightened military conflict with Pakistan. Congress accused the journalists of making “communal, unverified, and derogatory statements” on social media. The targeting of government-employed Doordarshan journalists was particularly notable, as it involved state-run media personnel.

#11 Hyderabad Police Arrest Two Pulse News Journalists – 12 March 2025

Hyderabad police arrested Revathi Pogadadanda, Managing Director of Pulse Digital News Network, and Tanvi Yadav on 17 March 2025 for allegedly broadcasting “offensive” content about Chief Minister A Revanth Reddy. The arrests followed a complaint by the Congress state social media unit. The Hyderabad court granted bail to both journalists on 17 March 2025, ruling that Section 111 of the Bharatiya Nyaya Sanhita could not be applied to them as there was no element of organized crime or monetary transactions involved in their journalistic work. The swift court intervention and bail grant suggested that the initial arrest may have lacked sufficient legal grounds.

#12 Telangana Journalist Booked for Complaining About Power Failure – 19 June 2024

The Telangana state government booked journalist Revathi for raising a civic issue, specifically complaining about a power failure within Hyderabad city limits. The FIR was filed at Lal Bahadur Nagar police station based on a complaint by M Dileep, a Telangana state government official.

The FIR stated that the complainant asserted the power failure allegation was false and intentionally aimed at defaming the state government and Telangana State Power Distribution Company Limited. The official requested action against Revathi for spreading false propaganda and making the incident viral on social media.

#13 Karnataka Police Book YouTuber Over Rahul Gandhi Commentary – 16 June 2024

Bengaluru’s High Grounds police booked YouTuber Ajeet Bharti for allegedly “spreading enmity between religious groups through false claims.” The FIR was filed based on a complaint by BK Bopanna, a lawyer and secretary of the Karnataka Pradesh Congress Committee’s legal cell. Bopanna’s complaint referenced a video shared by Bharti on X, claiming that Bharti falsely stated Rahul Gandhi intended to bring back the Babri Masjid in place of the Ram Mandir, and that Rahul Gandhi had never made any such statements in his speeches.

#14 Karnataka Police File FIR Against TV Anchor Sudhir Chaudhary – 11 September 2023

Karnataka police registered an FIR against TV anchor Sudhir Chaudhary for allegedly “conspiring to disrupt communal harmony and spreading misinformation” in a show he hosted on the Aaj Tak news channel. The program discussed the state government’s commercial vehicle subsidy scheme for minority communities. Chaudhary was booked at Seshadripuram police station under various sections of the Indian Penal Code for promoting enmity between groups, based on a complaint filed by a Karnataka Minorities Development Corporation official. The case involved mainstream television journalism covering government policy, with the Congress-led Karnataka government treating critical coverage of its minority welfare schemes as criminal conduct.

#15 Rajasthan Congress Files Complaint Against Zee Hindustan Anchor – 1 July 2022

The Congress filed a complaint against Zee Hindustan anchor Rohit Ranjan at Bani Park police station in Jaipur for allegedly running a doctored video of Rahul Gandhi, despite the channel withdrawing the content and issuing a public apology. The FIR was filed on the complaint of Congress worker Ram Singh Kasanwa and booked Ranjan under IPC sections 504, 505 and others. The disputed news report allegedly presented former Congress president Rahul Gandhi’s comments on Students Federation of India brutality in Wayanad, Kerala, as condoning and supporting the killers of Kanhaiya Lal in Udaipur. The case proceeded despite the channel’s corrective action and apology.

#16 Chhattisgarh Police Arrest Journalists After Congress MLAs Complain – 25 October 2021

Journalist Madhukar Dubey and technical assistant Avinash Palliwar were arrested on 25 October 2021 in Raipur, Chhattisgarh, after Congress MLAs Brihaspat Singh and Kuldeep Juneja complained that the web portal zeroparty.in published “misleading” information about them on 24 October 2021. The portal had published a report about a sting operation in which the MLAs had criticized Chief Minister Bhupesh Baghel. Two separate FIRs were registered against the media workers under various IPC sections, including extortion, threat to public servant, intentional insult, criminal intimidation, and defamation.

#17 Over 100 FIRs Filed Against Arnab Goswami Across India – 24 April 2020

More than 100 FIRs were filed by Congress party units and workers in various parts of India against Republic TV Editor-in-Chief Arnab Goswami following his comments about Congress President Sonia Gandhi after the lynching of Hindu sadhus in Palghar on 16 April 2020. Goswami had asked probing questions about why Sonia Gandhi remained silent on the incident and whether the Italian-born politician would have maintained such silence if Christian priests had been murdered instead. Goswami also alleged that he and his wife were attacked by Congress workers on 24 April 2020 while returning to their Mumbai home from the studio. The nationwide cascade of FIRs represented a coordinated response by Congress units across multiple states.

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]]> DMK Cries ‘Tamil Freedom Fighters Ignored’ In Parliament, But Ignores Them At Home https://thecommunemag.com/dmk-cries-tamil-freedom-fighters-ignored-in-parliament-but-ignores-them-at-home/ Sat, 13 Dec 2025 07:20:14 +0000 https://thecommunemag.com/?p=135577 DMK Rajya Sabha MP Tiruchi Siva while speaking in the Parliament questioned what he described as the neglect of Tamil freedom fighters in North India, framing it as a historical injustice. Raising the issue, he asked whether there were roads or streets in North India named after Tamil icons such as VO Chidambaram Pillai or […]

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DMK Rajya Sabha MP Tiruchi Siva while speaking in the Parliament questioned what he described as the neglect of Tamil freedom fighters in North India, framing it as a historical injustice.

Raising the issue, he asked whether there were roads or streets in North India named after Tamil icons such as VO Chidambaram Pillai or Mahakavi Subramania Bharati. He further questioned whether people outside Tamil Nadu even knew who Veerapandiya Kattabomman was. Tiruchi Siva also claimed that Tamils were ignored despite their contributions to the freedom struggle and asserted that it was a Tamil, Chempakaraman, who first coined the slogan “Jai Hind.”

He said, “Is there anywhere in North India a VO Chidambaranar Road? Is there a Bharatiyar Street? Does anyone there even know who Veerapandiya Kattabomman is? Please tell me, why were we ignored? The question to ask is this: we were the ones who first coined the slogan “Jai Hind” – it was Chempakaraman who did that.”

The remarks were projected as a defence of Tamil pride and a call for national recognition of Tamil freedom fighters.

The Record The DMK Does Not Mention

While Tiruchi Siva’s questions drew attention in Parliament, they have also prompted scrutiny of the DMK’s own actions in Tamil Nadu, particularly when it had full control over naming public institutions, erecting statues, and institutionalising remembrance.

VO Chidambaram Pillai And The Tirunelveli Bus Stand

There is no dispute anywhere in India about VO Chidambaram Pillai’s stature. He is widely recognised as a pioneering leader of the Swadeshi movement and a central figure in Tamil Nadu’s freedom struggle. Tirunelveli, in particular, is inseparably associated with him, he practised law there, organised labour there, and it was there that public protests erupted after his arrest.

Yet, when a new modern bus stand was constructed in Tirunelveli under the Centre-funded Smart City scheme, the DMK government chose to name it the Periyar Bus Stand, after E.V. Ramasamy.

Image Source: Instagram

This decision was taken despite public demands that the bus stand be named after VO Chidambaram Pillai.

The choice raised an obvious question: what historical or personal connection did EV Ramasamy have with Tirunelveli district that outweighed that of VOC? The DMK has never provided a convincing answer.

Tirunelveli’s Freedom Struggle Legacy

Tirunelveli occupies a distinct place in the freedom movement. During protests following VOC’s arrest, Sub-Collector Ashe ordered firing on demonstrators, killing four people. In retaliation, revolutionary Vanchinathan assassinated Ashe. This episode is central to Tamil revolutionary history in the Indian national movement.

Despite this legacy, the most prominent modern public infrastructure in Tirunelveli was named not after VOC, but after EV Ramasamy Naicker (hailed as ‘Periyar’ by his followers) highlighting a pattern where Dravidian ideological icons are prioritised over freedom fighters.

Jai Hind Chempakaraman: Invoked, But Not Honoured

Tiruchi Siva’s reference to “Jai Hind” being coined by Chempakaraman has also drawn attention to another contradiction. If Jaihind Chempakaraman is indeed as significant as claimed, having influenced Netaji Subhas Chandra Bose and participated in revolutionary activities, then the obvious question arises: where is his public memorialisation in Tamil Nadu?

Across the State, statues of EV Ramasamy are ubiquitous – at junctions, traffic circles, and public spaces, you name it! By contrast, Jai Hind Chempakaraman has just one statue, located near the Gandhi Mandapam complex in Chennai, an area where statues are placed away from every day public visibility.

Image Source: Wikipedia

But such a great warrior – who, during the Second World War, brought the ship Emden from Germany, carried out a surgical strike here, attacked only the British and made them tremble, is forgotten.

Even at the Chennai High Court complex, near the spot where Chempakaraman threw a bomb during the freedom struggle, there exists only a small memorial stone. There is no prominent statue that would prompt public curiosity or historical awareness.

Image Source: DT Next

Demands have been raised for a statue to be installed at that very site so that people can learn why that location matters. That demand, too, has not been acted upon.

A Pattern, Not An Accident

The pattern extends beyond individuals. Tamil freedom fighters such as VO Chidambaram Pillai, Jaihind Chempakaraman, Kuyili, and Mahakavi Bharatiyar travelled across India, worked with leaders from other regions, and grounded their struggle in Indian nationalism.

Yet the ideological framework the DMK promotes, Dravidianism, has historically distanced itself from Indian nationalism. EV Ramasamy himself opposed the freedom movement and rejected the idea of Indian independence as unnecessary.

This contradiction becomes sharper when DMK leaders speak of honouring freedom fighters while continuing to centre public memory around a figure who openly rejected the freedom struggle.

Recognition Outside Tamil Nadu Vs Silence Within

Contrary to the impression suggested in Parliament, Mahakavi Bharathiyar has been honoured outside Tamil Nadu, including street names in Delhi and academic chairs in universities abroad, sponsored with central support. Tamil names appear on signage in several parts of North India, and Bharathiyar’s legacy is acknowledged nationally.

The more uncomfortable question, however, is why Tamil Nadu itself, under decades of DMK rule, has failed to consistently honour its own freedom fighters in prominent public spaces.

A Question That Turns Inward

Tiruchi Siva asked Parliament why Tamil freedom fighters were ignored elsewhere. The record suggests a more immediate question: why have they been marginalised at home?

If the DMK had named major institutions after VO Chidambaram Pillai, erected visible statues of Jaihind Chempakaraman, and foregrounded nationalist freedom fighters rather than ideological icons, its moral authority on this issue would have been stronger.

Instead, the contrast remains stark. Tamil freedom fighters are invoked rhetorically, but Dravidian ideologues dominate Tamil Nadu’s public landscape.

And that contradiction, more than anything said in Parliament, continues to define the debate.

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]]> NDA Scores Major Breakthrough Win In Munambam; BJP Gains Ground In Kerala Local Body Polls https://thecommunemag.com/nda-scores-major-breakthrough-win-in-munambam-bjp-gains-ground-in-kerala-local-body-polls/ Sat, 13 Dec 2025 07:06:55 +0000 https://thecommunemag.com/?p=135585 The National Democratic Alliance (NDA) registered a decisive victory in Munambam in the Kerala local body elections, delivering a significant political breakthrough for the BJP in a ward that has been at the centre of a prolonged dispute involving the Kerala State Waqf Board. Munambam has witnessed sustained protests for over a year by more […]

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The National Democratic Alliance (NDA) registered a decisive victory in Munambam in the Kerala local body elections, delivering a significant political breakthrough for the BJP in a ward that has been at the centre of a prolonged dispute involving the Kerala State Waqf Board.

Munambam has witnessed sustained protests for over a year by more than 500 Christian families who have opposed an alleged claim by the Waqf Board over their land, fearing eviction. The NDA’s emphatic win in the ward has been widely seen as a mandate in favour of the BJP’s stand against the disputed claim and its support for the affected residents.

Kerala BJP general secretary Anoop Antony Joseph described the result as “historic”, stating that the people of Munambam had responded to the BJP’s consistent support during the agitation. He said the Modi government and the BJP stood with the residents in their fight against what they allege is an illegal Waqf claim, and that the verdict reflected public endorsement of that position.

The Munambam victory is expected to provide a major boost to the BJP as it looks to expand its footprint in Kerala ahead of the 2026 Assembly elections, in a state where the party has traditionally struggled to secure electoral space. The NDA has also posted strong performances in other key areas, including the Thiruvananthapuram Corporation, where it is currently ahead in the constituency represented by Congress MP Shashi Tharoor.

NDA Gains Amid Tight Statewide Contest

Counting of votes for the Kerala local body elections 2025 is underway across the state, with early trends indicating a closely contested battle primarily between the CPI(M)-led Left Democratic Front (LDF) and the Congress-led United Democratic Front (UDF), even as the NDA shows signs of incremental gains.

Vote counting began at 8 AM on Saturday, 13 December 2025, at 244 counting centres under tight security. As per data available from the State Election Commission at 12.00 pm, the UDF was leading in 451 Grama Panchayat seats, while the LDF was ahead in 371 seats. The NDA was leading in 27 seats, with others ahead in 10 seats, out of a total of 941 Grama Panchayat seats.

Reacting to the trends, BJP leader Shaun George expressed confidence about the NDA’s performance, stating that the alliance was expecting stronger results in central and south Kerala. He added that sections traditionally aligned with the UDF and Kerala Congress were increasingly shifting their support towards the BJP.

Counting is continuing in several districts, including Thiruvananthapuram, Pathanamthitta, Malappuram and Kottayam, with final results expected later in the day as the process progresses.

Source: Mathrubhumi & India Today

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]]> RTI Reveals HR&CE Dept Spent ₹1.23 Crore From Thirupparankundram Temple Funds On ‘Ecological Park Maintenance’ https://thecommunemag.com/rti-reveals-hrce-dept-spent-%e2%82%b91-23-crore-from-thirupparankundram-temple-funds-on-ecological-park-maintenance/ Sat, 13 Dec 2025 06:36:07 +0000 https://thecommunemag.com/?p=135582 Temple activist group Aalayam Kaappom have raised serious questions over the utilisation of temple funds at the Arulmigu Subramaniya Swamy Temple, Thirupparankundram, after information obtained under the Right to Information (RTI) Act revealed that more than ₹1.23 crore was spent over five financial years on what was described as “ecological park maintenance”. According to RTI details […]

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Temple activist group Aalayam Kaappom have raised serious questions over the utilisation of temple funds at the Arulmigu Subramaniya Swamy Temple, Thirupparankundram, after information obtained under the Right to Information (RTI) Act revealed that more than ₹1.23 crore was spent over five financial years on what was described as “ecological park maintenance”.

According to RTI details pertaining to the administration of the temple under the Hindu Religious and Charitable Endowments (HR&CE) Department, Government of Tamil Nadu, funds were diverted from the temple’s accounts during the financial years 2017–18 to 2021–22 for “சுற்றுச்சூழல் பூங்கா பராமரிப்பு” (environmental/ecological park maintenance).

The year-wise expenditure disclosed under RTI is as follows:

  • 2017–18: ₹23.68 lakh
  • 2018–19: ₹23.82 lakh
  • 2019–20: ₹19.90 lakh
  • 2020–21: ₹23.82 lakh
  • 2021–22: ₹32.39 lakh

The total amount spent over these five years comes to ₹123.61 lakh (₹1.23 crore).

Now based on the information received, it is not clear where exactly this “ecological park” is located and what specific area is being maintained using temple funds. It is important to note that the Subramaniya Swamy Temple is not a corporate entity responsible for maintaining public parks in Madurai city.

It is argued that if the expenditure is being claimed for maintenance of forest areas on the Thirupparankundram hill, such areas cannot be categorised as “parks”. Even if forest maintenance were to be cited as justification, one can question whether temple funds can legally be diverted for such purposes.

Activists alleged that the accounting head used “சுற்றுச்சூழல் சுழல்” (environmental cycle/ecological rotation) itself indicates repeated circulation of funds and questioned whether this amounted to misappropriation of temple money through inflated or fictitious expense entries.

They also stated that, based on ground-level observation, there is no visible evidence of systematic maintenance of the Thirupparankundram hill area corresponding to the magnitude of expenditure shown in the accounts.

Temple Funds vs Hilltop Deepam Dispute

The issue has gained additional significance in the context of the ongoing dispute over lighting the Karthigai Deepam on the Deepathoon (stone lamp pillar) at the hilltop of Thirupparankundram.

It is alleged that while large sums from temple funds were being spent annually under the head of environmental or park maintenance as revealed in the RTI, the same authorities have vehemently resisted permitting the lighting of the traditional Deepam on the hilltop lamp pillar, which is considered a significant cultural and religious symbol.

They accused the authorities of effectively “hiding” or neglecting the Deepathoon, while continuing to assert administrative control over the hilltop area.

It is noteworthy that Justice Swaminathan had noted concerns regarding the failure to protect temple property, including the upper portions of the Thirupparankundram hill, which are traditionally associated with the deity Murugan (Subramaniya Swamy) and regarded as part of the temple’s heritage.

The activists questioned the authority of the HR&CE Department to file appeals against judicial directions aimed at safeguarding temple property and restoring traditional practices, particularly when, according to them, the department itself had failed to protect the Deepathoon and the hilltop area.

Activists of the organisation have demanded accountability from the HR&CE Department over the expenditure of temple funds, calling for clarity on the exact location and nature of the “ecological park” allegedly maintained, detailed break-up of works executed under each financial year, legal justification for using temple funds for such purposes, and the reasons for denying permission for traditional religious practices at the hilltop despite continued financial outflows.

They have asserted that the hill belongs to Thirupparankundram Murugan and that temple funds must be used strictly for purposes aligned with the temple’s religious, cultural, and heritage obligations.

It is noteworthy that the Madras High Court as well as the Himachal Pradesh High Court and the Supreme Court have issued judgements preventing the use of temple funds for activities that are not related to the temple.

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]]> “Lighting Deepam At Uchchi Pillayar Temple Is A Recent Practice”, Thirupparankundram Villagers Announce Hunger Strike Demanding Permission To Light Karthigai Deepam At Deepathoon https://thecommunemag.com/lighting-deepam-at-uchchi-pillayar-temple-is-a-recent-practice-thirupparankundram-villagers-announce-hunger-strike-demanding-permission-to-light-karthigai-deepam-at-deepathoon/ Sat, 13 Dec 2025 04:31:59 +0000 https://thecommunemag.com/?p=135569 Residents of Thirupparankundram village have announced that they will hold a peaceful hunger strike on 13 December 2025, demanding permission to light the lamp on the Deepathoon at the hilltop, citing a High Court order obtained after their request was rejected by the local administration. Explaining the background, a representative of the villagers said, “We […]

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Residents of Thirupparankundram village have announced that they will hold a peaceful hunger strike on 13 December 2025, demanding permission to light the lamp on the Deepathoon at the hilltop, citing a High Court order obtained after their request was rejected by the local administration.

Explaining the background, a representative of the villagers said, “We had submitted a petition in Thirupparankundram village, urging the government to allow the lighting of the lamp on top of the Thirupparankundram hill peak, and to observe a peaceful hunger strike for that demand. Based on the rejection of that petition, we approached the High Court and obtained an order.”

He said the fast would be undertaken on behalf of village families and would involve the general public without any caste, religious, or political affiliation. “Tomorrow, on the 13th, on behalf of the Thirupparankundram families, without any caste or religious discrimination and without party affiliation, the general public of the village have decided to hold a hunger strike,” he said, appealing to residents of Thirupparankundram town to participate.

On participation, he said, “It is the village people, the general public. They have said that all the villages around Thirupparankundram will come fully.” He added that the protest would strictly adhere to judicial directions, stating, “The High Court has also given us certain conditions, and we have decided to organise a gathering in a way that does not violate, or goes only up to the limit of, those conditions.”

He said women would play a leading role in the protest. “Women will definitely participate in this, and in fact women are the first,” he said.

Stating the core demand, he said, “The main demand is that the lamp must be lit in the Deepathoon at the top of the hill. That is our primary demand.”

The villagers also alleged that a misleading narrative had been circulated on social media. “Until now, on social media, a wrong narrative has been spread. They claim that at the Uchi Pillaiyar temple, the lamp has been lit for more than 100 years. As far as we know, it is not even 20 years,” he said.

He further alleged that lighting the lamp at the Uchchi Pillaiyar temple was introduced to divert attention from a long-standing agitation. “Some movements have been continuously protesting for nearly 60 years that the lamp should be lit in the deepa pillar on top of the hill. To divert that struggle, only for that diversionary purpose, the practice of lighting the lamp at the Uchi Pillaiyar temple was started,” he claimed.

Questioning the practice, he said, “This Uchi Pillaiyar temple is actually a place meant for lighting the moksha deepam. In our custom, if there has been a death in a house, during the Karthigai month we do not light lamps in that house. In such a situation, how is it right that in a place where the moksha lamp is lit daily, we go and light a Karthigai Deepam?”

Responding to why the issue had gained momentum now, he said, “Until now, they only violated tradition, and we remained silent. Movements were fighting; we, the general public, stayed quiet. Now they have violated the law as well. When they violate the law and sovereignty, we are compelled to question it.”

He added that there will be someone or the other lighting a moksha deepam at that spot almost every other day.

Reiterating the villagers’ position, he said, “Lighting the Karthigai Deepam on top of the Uchchi Pillaiyar Temple is a recent practice. Not for a hundred years. What has been lit there is the Moksha Deepam alone.”

Concluding, he said that the protest would proceed in view of what they described as non-compliance with the law. “Even though this struggle has been going on for many days, now due to the refusal to respect the law itself, tomorrow, without caste or religious distinctions and without political affiliations, the people of Thirupparankundram will undertake a fast for lighting the lamp on the deepathoon at the hilltop,” he said.

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]]> “Tamil Nadu Was Already Named By Bharathi, Much Before Arignar Anna”, Says NTK Chief Seeman https://thecommunemag.com/tamil-nadu-was-already-named-by-bharathi-much-before-arignar-anna-says-ntk-chief-seeman/ Fri, 12 Dec 2025 12:17:15 +0000 https://thecommunemag.com/?p=135547 In a fiery, wide-ranging speech delivered on Mahakavi Subramania Bharathi’s birth anniversary, Naam Tamilar Katchi (NTK) chief Seeman made a bold historical claim, asserting that it was the revered poet Bharathiyar, and not former Chief Minister C.N. Annadurai (“Anna”), who named the state of Tamil Nadu. The speech, laden with sharp political and cultural commentary, […]

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In a fiery, wide-ranging speech delivered on Mahakavi Subramania Bharathi’s birth anniversary, Naam Tamilar Katchi (NTK) chief Seeman made a bold historical claim, asserting that it was the revered poet Bharathiyar, and not former Chief Minister C.N. Annadurai (“Anna”), who named the state of Tamil Nadu.

The speech, laden with sharp political and cultural commentary, directly contrasted Bharathiyar’s poetic reverence for the Tamil language with the historical criticisms of Dravidian stalwart ‘Periyar’ EV Ramasamy Naicker (EVR).

Crediting the “Poet Who Created Time”

“These people didn’t name it Tamil Nadu,” Seeman told the audience. “India hadn’t gained independence; he achieved it. States weren’t divided; he divided them. They hadn’t named it Tamil Nadu; he named it.” Framing Bharathiyar as a visionary figure, Seeman asked rhetorically, “Therefore, who is he? The poet who created time. The seer. The avatar. He is the one man in the world.”

Seeman supported his argument by quoting Bharathiyar’s own verses exalting the Tamil language and land. He recited, “Among the languages we know, the Tamil language is the sweetest, nowhere to be seen” and “Worship the auspicious Tamil country as our mother, Paapa (child), it is sweeter than nectar, Paapa. It is the land of our wise ancestors (aanrōrgal), Paapa.”

Direct Contrast with EVR’s Stance

The NTK leader used these quotes to launch a pointed attack on Periyar’s historical views. He juxtaposed Bharathiyar’s praise with EVR’s characterization of Tamil. “He (EVR) calls it a barbarian language. He calls it the land where barbarians live,” Seeman said. “But he (Bharathi) says, ‘It is the land of wise ancestors, Paapa. The word that is high is the Tamil (uyarcchol); bow to it and read it, Paapa.'”

Seeman challenged the audience to consider this contrast: “Who is he? Who is that man? He is not a barbarian. Is this man a barbarian?”

Seeman recounted Bharathi’s writings: “Go to Ceylon, Burma, Java, and many islands, and see our fish flag and tiger flag standing firm”, and asked rhetorically, “Who is he? Who is that man? He is not a barbarian. Is this man a barbarian?”

He continued that the naming of Tamil Nadu preceded independence-era politics. “You shouldn’t name the auspicious Tamil Nadu as ‘Tamil Nadu,’ brother. Pay close attention. These people didn’t name it Tamil Nadu. India hadn’t gained independence; he (Bharathi) achieved it. States weren’t divided; he (Bharathi) divided them. They hadn’t named it Tamil Nadu; he named it already,” Seeman said, describing Bharathi as “the poet who created time,” “the seer,” and “the avatar.”

Seeman continued, “He (Bharathi) is the one man in the world. He decides. He didn’t know that Sankara Linganar will come. He will fight for 79 days. He will die. Then the great man Arignar Anna will come. He will name it Tamil Nadu. Without knowing all that, he did it.” He intended to mean that Bharathiyar had already conceived the identity conceptually.

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]]> “No Legal Right For Devotees To Light Deepam At Deepathoon”, Says DMK Govt, Continues To Oppose Lighting Deepam Atop Thirupparankundram https://thecommunemag.com/no-legal-right-for-devotees-to-seek-deepam-at-deepathoon-says-dmk-govt-continues-to-oppose-lighting-deepam-atop-thirupparankundram/ Fri, 12 Dec 2025 11:55:39 +0000 https://thecommunemag.com/?p=135541 The Tamil Nadu government on Friday, 12 December 2025, informed the Madras High Court (Madurai Bench) that devotees who approached the court seeking permission to light the Karthigai Deepam lamp at the Thirupparankundram Hills “cannot claim such lighting as a legal right,” arguing that Article 226 powers cannot be invoked to change a longstanding religious […]

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The Tamil Nadu government on Friday, 12 December 2025, informed the Madras High Court (Madurai Bench) that devotees who approached the court seeking permission to light the Karthigai Deepam lamp at the Thirupparankundram Hills “cannot claim such lighting as a legal right,” arguing that Article 226 powers cannot be invoked to change a longstanding religious custom.

A Division Bench of Justice G Jayachandran and Justice KK Ramakrishnan heard a batch of appeals challenging the single judge’s order directing temple authorities to light the lamp at the stone pillar (‘Deepathoon’) on the hill.

The State Authorities have also filed an appeal challenging the single judge’s December 4 order in a contempt petition, which had quashed a prohibitory order under Section 144 CrPC. Another group of appeals challenged the December 9 contempt order directing the appearance of the Chief Secretary, ADGP, DCP, and even impleading the Union Home Secretary.

AG: Devotees Do Not Have a Legal Right to Demand Lamp Lighting at Deepathoon

Appearing for the State, Advocate General (AG) P.S. Raman submitted that the appeals arise from a common order in five writ petitions filed by devotees of the ancient Thirupparankundram Murugan Temple.

He explained that the temple sits at the foothill of a 500-foot hill that also houses a dargah; that traditionally, the Karthigai Deepam lamp has been lit at the Uchi Pillaiyar temple, including this year and that a devotee, Rama Ravikumar, requested that either the temple authorities or he himself be permitted to light the lamp at a different site, now called Deepathoon, located near the dargah.

Calling it a private interest litigation, the AG said the writ court must confine itself to the petitioner’s individual rights and the statutory duties of temple authorities. “Any other issue need not be dragged into the four corners of this room. It’s for another battlefield,” he said.

After Ravikumar’s initial request was rejected, a fresh petition sought a direction either to allow him or to compel temple authorities to light the lamp at Deepathoon.

AG: No Evidence Deepathoon Was Ever a Traditional Site

AG Raman questioned the historical basis of Deepathoon. He pointed out that since the 1920 litigation, there has been no mention of Deepathoon, that devotees must establish that lamp-lighting at Deepathoon was a customary practice. He added that in the 1920 trial court ruling, part of the hill was held to belong to the Devasthanam and another part to the dargah. This was reversed on appeal. He also said that a 1994 PIL seeking a similar relief was rejected because the lamp was traditionally lit elsewhere and in 2014, the court again refused to shift the location; the order was upheld by a Division Bench.

The AG said the single judge nonetheless directed authorities to light the lamp at Deepathoon, which “he described as the correct place,” and added that the lamp could still be lit at the traditional site. This reasoning, the AG said, is now under challenge.

He argued that four courts had already applied their minds and upheld the traditional site.

“Any devotee does not have a legal right to demand that the lamp be lit in addition to the place where it is being lit,” he said.

AG: Article 226 Cannot Be Used to Change an Established Custom

The AG stressed that Article 226 is not meant to create or alter religious customs.

While acknowledging that the structure included a stone pillar, he questioned whether it was indeed a stone lamp pillar.

He argued, “If some historically acceptable evidence was placed before the court that before 1920 it used to be lit there… and if such practice was changed, the court could examine if a constitutional right was affected. But Article 226 is not intended to change a custom by creating a new custom.”

He noted that no one challenged the temple’s property rights and that the issue is not ownership but creation of a new religious custom. He added that there was “not a scrap of paper” before the single judge to identify the structure as Deepathoon.

He claimed that the only expert evidence before the court was the priests’ opinion that Agamas require lighting the lamp at Uchi Pillaiyar temple. “This finding (of the single judge) is without any factual basis,” the AG stated, calling for “greatest restraint.”

Senior Counsel Masilamani: A Vague Representation Used to Secure a Mandamus

Senior Advocate G. Masilamani, representing the Executive Officer of the temple, said the petitioner had no right to demand lighting of lamps at Deepathoon.

He warned that allowing such petitions would open a Pandora’s box, with devotees across the state seeking similar directions, making temple administration impossible.

Masilamani noted that the petitioner addressed his representation to the Executive Officer, not the Joint Commissioner of HR&CE, and the EO rightly replied. He stated that the representation never explicitly requested lighting the lamp near the stone pillar; it only sought permission to light the lamp “on the hills,” which includes Uchi Pillaiyar.

Calling it a “camouflage to secure an order of mandamus,” Masilamani said the petition sought reliefs beyond what the representation demanded.

‘Non-Practice for 175 Years Has Become Custom’

Masilamani stressed that customs are proved by longstanding practice, “From 1862 to 2025, there is no evidence to show that Deepathoon was where the Karthigai Deepam was lit. Long practice of non-practice becomes the custom.”

He also argued that the Deepathoon is not at the hilltop, the dargah is at one peak, Uchi Pillaiyar temple at another and that the Deepathoon lies 15 metres from the dargah.

He said the single judge incorrectly described the location and failed to follow established judicial precedents. If he disagreed with prior rulings, he should have referred the matter to a larger bench.

Court Seeks Permanent Resolution; State Declines to Commit

Justice Jayachandran observed, “This matter is perpetually going on from 1920. If we’re able to have a permanent resolution or solution… one day a year at a particular point in the hill, how far can a person’s claim go, without harming harmony? It is for the community to come together.”

However, the AG said the issue had been unnecessarily escalated.

Later, Senior Advocate R. Shunmugasundaram for the HR&CE department told the court that the Devasthanam alone must decide.

Justice Jayachandran asked whether the authorities would at least consider a fresh representation. Shunmugasundaram replied, “Let the authorities decide. I can’t give a word… It is the position of law.”

The court has listed the matter for 15 December 2025.

Source: LiveLaw

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